Wednesday, October 31, 2018

The last of the Europeans

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"I feel the enormous burden of the most glorious of heritages weigh on my shoulders. On me, who am nothing and who contributes nothing, civilisation has bestowed an enormous gift: the heritage of Europe. It is made up of treasures and memories. Each one of us, I believe, in London and Vienna, in Berlin and Madrid, in Athens and Warsaw, in Rome and in Paris, in Sofia and Belgrad, must suffer the same crisis. Each one of us is the last of the Europeans."


Jean de Brem, "Le testament d'un Européen"

Tuesday, October 30, 2018

For the Fallen

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With proud thanksgiving, a mother for her children,
England mourns for her dead across the sea.
Flesh of her flesh they were, spirit of her spirit,
Fallen in the cause of the free.


Solemn the drums thrill: Death august and royal
Sings sorrow up into immortal spheres.
There is music in the midst of desolation
And a glory that shines upon our tears.


They went with songs to the battle, they were young,
Straight of limb, true of eye, steady and aglow.
They were staunch to the end against odds uncounted,
They fell with their faces to the foe.


They shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old:
Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn.
At the going down of the sun and in the morning
We will remember them.


They mingle not with their laughing comrades again;
They sit no more at familiar tables of home;
They have no lot in our labour of the day-time;
They sleep beyond England's foam.


But where our desires are and our hopes profound,
Felt as a well-spring that is hidden from sight,
To the innermost heart of their own land they are known
As the stars are known to the Night;


As the stars that shall be bright when we are dust,
Moving in marches upon the heavenly plain,
As the stars that are starry in the time of our darkness,
To the end, to the end, they remain.


Poem by Robert Laurence Binyon (1869-1943), published in The Times newspaper on 21 September 1914.

Laurence Binyon composed his best known poem while sitting on the cliff-top looking out to sea from the dramatic scenery of the north Cornish coastline. A plaque marks the location at Pentire Point, north of Polzeath. However, there is also a small plaque on the East Cliff north of Portreath, further south on the same north Cornwall coast, which also claims to be the place where the poem was written.

The poem was written in mid September 1914, a few weeks after the outbreak of the First World War. During these weeks the British Expeditionary Force had suffered casualties following its first encounter with the Imperial German Army at the Battle of Mons on 23 August, its rearguard action during the retreat from Mons in late August and the Battle of Le Cateau on 26 August, and its participation with the French Army in holding up the Imperial German Army at the First Battle of the Marne between 5 and 9 September 1914.

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Source

**Binyon had been friends with Ezra Pound since around 1909, and in the 1930s the two became especially close; Pound affectionately called him "BinBin", and assisted Binyon with his translation of Dante. Another protégé was Arthur Waley, whom Binyon employed at the British Museum. Between 1933 and 1943, Binyon published his acclaimed translation of Dante's Divine Comedy in an English version of terza rima, made with some editorial assistance by Ezra Pound. When the subjugation of Czechoslovakia by the Germans brought Europe to the brink of war, Pound wrote to Laurence Binyon on 29 September: "I hope your country isn't going to war to keep up the price of gold; i.e., help the Rothschild and squander another five million anglo-saxon lives". During the Second World War Binyon continued writing poetry including a long poem about the London Blitz, "The Burning of the Leaves", regarded by many to be his masterpiece.

[caption id="attachment_7499" align="aligncenter" width="600"]event_14536 Ezra Pound[/caption]

Heroes Never Die

«Heroes never die; instead they fall, and the soil, by drinking their blood gives birth to them again…”»


Ioannis Metaxas


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Konstantinos Katsifas, killed by the Albanian scum in the ancient occupied land of Northern Epirus defending the Hellenic Flag. We will return and the earth will tremble!


 

 

Monday, October 29, 2018

Jurgen Rieger – Odinist pioneer

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11. Mai 1946 - 29. Oktober 2009 


“We must awaken the powers of our race: The white giants are coming!” – Jürgen Rieger


Odinists often say that politics must not be brought into Odinism. Instead, Odinist values must be inserted into politics. With Jürgen Rieger some people found it hard to tell which way the flow went. But while his legal and political careers were interesting enough, I only knew him in an Odinist context.

While it’s true that Jürgen joined and donated large amounts of money to the right-wing political party, the NPD, this was not until 2006. At that time he had been leading Artgemeinschaft, Germany’s main Odinist/Asatru organisation, for seventeen years. Before that — in fact in 1972 — he had formed the heathen organisation Nordische Ring. Odinism was his first and abiding loyalty, as can be seen from the banner at his funeral, shown in the photo below, which is decorated with the Artgemeinschaft’s stylised Irminsul.

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The Artgemeinschaft organisation had been founded in the 1950s by Wilhelm Kusserow and others. From 1989 until his death it was led by Jürgen Rieger. Under his guidance it described itself as “Asatru” and a “faith community for people of Nordic-Germanic type”. Only those of northern European stock were allowed to join.

Under Jürgen’s leadership the Artgemeinschaft encouraged its members to have their own interpretations of the gods, but they were expected to be firm in their support of the laws of nature. The Artgemeinschaft insisted on “courage to the death against any enemy of our family, clan, country, folk, Germanic nature and Germanic faith”.

And Jürgen meant what he said. In 2003 he registered the image below as the patented trademark of the Artgemeinschaft. It depicts an eagle (the form adopted by Odin when he acquired the mead of poetry) ripping with its claws the ichthys symbol or “Jesus fish”. Many people use this patented image today, but few have the sheer Odinic energy that drove Jürgen Rieger in his fight to restore our ancient values.

BLACKChristianFishandGermanicEagleLARGEVictorOrdellLKasen

He was an indefatigable writer, starting in his teens in publications of the Northern League and others. For many years he was on the editorial board of Neue Anthropologie, an academic journal similar to The Mankind Quarterly.

These were almost leisure activities, given the relentless activism of his helter-skelter legal career. But even then the man  was driven by a still higher moral purpose. He wished to carry on where the poems Rígsþula, Völuspá and Vafðruðnismál leave off — by helping to create a higher breed of humanity. (Odinism and evolution is discussed elsewhere on this site.)

To this end he acquired a large amount of money and began a series of property purchases. I never knew the details of most of these transactions, but a hostile internet article claimed: “Around a dozen large house purchases are known. He has not only farmhouses and a half-timbered house in Schleswig-Holstein, but also a castle-like property in Sweden, a former military site, several houses and a cinema complex in Lower Saxony, a former hotel in Thuringia and a multi-family house in Hamburg-Harburg.”

The property that I experienced was the Swedish estate at Sveneby. This was bought in 1995 in the name of Jürgen’s “Wilhelm Tietjen Foundation”, a fertility research company which he ran in conjunction with Mathilde. Hostile reports said the estate came to about 650 hectares, and it certainly seemed that big to me. I believe Jürgen paid about £700,000 for it, which was then returned to him for over seven years by annual EU grants for sustainable agriculture.

At this time various factors were coming together so as to favour Jürgen’s quest to improve human quality.

First, surrogate motherhood was illegal in Germany but entirely lawful in England. That’s why the Tietjen Foundation was registered in London rather than Germany.

Second, there was already a lucrative market among foreign women for Swedish donated sperm. At that time quite a few Swedish university students were financing house purchases by this means. Jürgen was fluent in Swedish, so he was well placed to utilise this trend.

Third, the laws changed in Britain (and I think other major countries) to allow the children of sperm donors to track down their fathers once they reached adulthood. But many British donors who were keenly interested in passing on their good genes had no desire to be contacted, so they were happy to co-operate with a fertility foundation based outside of UK territory.

As I implied earlier, Jürgen Rieger’s energy was phenomenal. While working night and day on his life-task, he was also legally defending up to dozens of people at any one time, and organising for the NPD, and fighting the German government for the rights of ordinary Germans, and enjoying his family life. He seemed inexhaustible. He had no health issues that I know of.

Then in 2009 he died suddenly, of a stroke. It may have been genuine, but some of his friends and family believe he was murdered, as with Pim Fortuyn and Jörg Haider. Whatever the truth about his death, and whatever else he may have been in life, Jürgen Rieger was a tireless heathen.

Frank

This article was first published in Renewal, Volume 20 Number 3, December 2013. Nine years’ worth of earlier editions of Renewalare available here.

Source




21

On Saturday 24th October during an executive meeting of the party, the lawyer Jürgen
Rieger, deputy chairman of the NPD (National Democratic Party of Germany), suffered a
stroke. Although a good companion took him straight to hospital his condition
deteriorated rapidly. At the age of 63 years his short, violent struggle with death
was lost on Thursday 29th October at midday.


With him a man departs who fought a life long for the cause of his people and home
country. With him the national movement loses a lawyer who in more than 35 years
service defended countless comrades in court and was able to celebrate many brilliant
victories.


Goethe teaches us that where there is much light there is much shade. And he who
stands high is the target not only of factual criticism, but often also of the envious
holding grudges and personal enemies. Jürgen Rieger was a fearless and outspoken
fighter for the cause. Especially also, since during the last years he dedicated
himself to party policy which led to a polarization of differences. But when viewing
the immensity of the achievements of such a man as well as when standing before the
majesty of death all of this is insignificant.


The fire of the love of his native people and country burned in him so fiercely and
brightly as in no other; so fiercely and brightly that it consumed him long before his
time. The deadly blow caught him while still exercising his political office, in the
duty which he imposed upon himself and for which he had dedicated his whole life.
Long will his fame as lawyer and as political fighter rank high in our memory.


Our sympathy is extended to his children to whom he was an affectionate father.


A giant has fallen.


One of the great has departed from us.


Attorney Jürgen Rieger


Attacked and beaten. Car blown up. Professional reputation and career ruined.


Background and contribution:


Long-time Zundel attorney in Germany, Rieger has been a defender of German patriots
since his law school days. He has drawn the ire of the Holocaust Enforcers by winning
the 1981 Zundel case in Stuttgart against the false claim that Zundel had published
"hate literature", and winning several cases against the German vassal regime who had
confiscated Zundel's postal bank account, unfreezing DM 30,000 in the process. He also
managed to regain for Zundel his confiscated German passport - after a six-year legal
battle. Rieger was attacked and beaten unconscious in broad daylight after leaving a
Hamburg courthouse and had to be airlifted, near death, by helicopter to the trauma
unit of the hospital of Hamburg University, where he lay unconscious for days.


Written in Stormfront on the day of his death by the user Murderizernz

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fkKgQm4sqHk

Sunday, October 28, 2018

Outlaw King (2018)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wHpO9AG_dkE

Honor. Power. Courage. Strength. A story of how the great 14th Century Scottish 'Outlaw King' Robert The Bruce used cunning and bravery to defeat and repel the much larger and better equipped occupying English army.

A new healthy, savage world

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“I, too, am beginning to feel an immense need to become a savage and create a new world.”


August Strindberg

Speech in Rome, November 18, 1940

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Excerpts  from the Speech to the Provincial Hierarchy of the Fascist Party

By Benito Mussolini

"Peace could have been preserved if Britain had agreed to a constructive revising of treaties, instead of initiating—with the supine complicity of France—its policy of encirclement against Germany, which they have done not for the purpose of leaving the most German city of Danzig to the Poles, but for the purpose of overthrowing German political and military power. Peace could have been preserved if England had not rejected all attempts to move closer to Germany, which had gone so far as to sign a naval pact which placed itself in a situation of clear and permanent inferiority. Peace could have also been preserved in the last hours of August 1939 if England—under pressure from the Polish Ambassador who went to the Foreign Office at 11 pm on September 1—had not advanced an absolutely unacceptable condition for joining the conference proposed by Italy, an unacceptable condition because it would be humiliating, namely that the German troops already on the march should not only stop but retreat back to their lines of departure.

What happened in the following months is something we all have experienced, so it is superfluous to recall it.

Never in the history of mankind has there ever been such a colossal wave of mystification and lies like the one unleashed by the government and media organs of Great Britain during the campaigns in Poland, Norway, Belgium and Holland, which ended with the defeat of the British army and the French army. Moreover, the defeat of the French army was unprecedented due to its immense size and due to the almost unthinkable rapidity in which it was defeated. If the practice of lying is the most suitable system for stupefying a people and hardening their spirits, then one can safely say that the people of Great Britain have reached an indisputable and unsurpassable record. France stumbled, but it was still far from defeated when Italy—in order to remain loyal to the letter and spirit of the Alliance and to finally break the bars of her prison in her own sea—entered the war on June 10, and no one in the world could have foreseen that the French army, celebrated as the strongest in all of Europe, would be so quickly liquefied like snow under the sun. After two weeks France signed an armistice and stopped fighting, although they were forced to resume fighting a couple times in order to defend themselves from attacks by their former English ally in places like Oran and Dakar."

"Our entry into the war has shown that the Axis was not and is not an empty word. From June to today our collaboration with Germany is truly comradely and totalitarian. We march side by side.

This union of two peoples becomes ever more intimate and extends to all fields of military, economic, political and spiritual activity. The identity of views regarding the present and the future is perfect.

My meetings with the Führer are but the consecration of this complete fusion of our conceptions. When I meet the Führer I see in him not only the Chief creator of Greater Germany, the commander of armies who has seen his brilliant strategic conceptions—sometimes considered more reckless than daring—confirmed by victory, but also—and I would like to say in particular—the instigator of the National Socialist movement, the revolutionary who has awakened the German people, which has made him the protagonist of a new conception of the world greatly similar to that of Italian Fascism.

The identity of views is the result of this revolutionary premise; it stems from the meeting of two Revolutions that are just beginning their journey in the international and social fields.

Everything concerning the developments of the Tripartite Pact in the West or in the Danube Basin is followed by mutual agreement; likewise with regard to the future position of France.

It is now clear that the Axis did not want to make a peace of reprisal or rancor, but it is also understood that certain demands must be met.

These demands, which are more than legitimate, could have been the object of discussion long before the war if those ridiculous and tragic men had not imposed their "jamais".

When they began to reconsider, it was too late. Italy had already chosen its path since May 1939. The die was cast. But precisely because of their legitimacy, our demands must be accepted without compromise or provisional solutions, which we categorically reject from this moment on.

Only after this total clarification will it be possible—in the orbit of the new Europe which will be created by the Axis—to start a new chapter in the history of relations between Italy and France, which have become so agitated.

It is superfluous to confirm that, just like the armistice, peace will be shared; that is to say, it will be an Axis peace. To consecrate the fraternity of Italo-German arms I asked and obtained from the Führer direct participation in the battle against Great Britain with airplanes and submarines.

I hasten to add that Germany did not need our contribution in that arena. The valor of her fighters on land, sea and air, her industrial power, her organizational and technical ability, and the efficiency of her workforce are all well-known facts. The German production numbers for airplanes and submarines are truly exceptional and in continuous progress. Nevertheless I am grateful to the Führer for accepting my offer: nothing more strongly solidifies the relations between peoples than spilling common blood and enduring shared sacrifice, especially when they are animated by absolute loyalty and by shared interests and ideals.

I am certain that our pilots and our submariners will honour our flag."




"It is on this hatred, which can be defined as grotesque, that Greek politics has been based upon in recent years; a policy of absolute complicity with Great Britain. Nor could it be otherwise, given that the King of Greece is English, the political class is English, and the bourse — in both the figurative and literal sense — is also English.

This complicity, which manifested itself in many ways, and which in time will be irrefutably documented, was a continuous act of hostility against Italy.

The papers found by the German General Staff in France, at Vitry-la-Charité, demonstrates that since May Greece had offered to the Franco-British forces all its air and naval bases. It was necessary to put an end to this situation. It is for this reason that our troops crossed the Greco-Albanian border on October 28."




"Under these conditions the Party must resume its function with unaltered increasing stringency, valiantly engaging its battle on the home front, on the political, economic and spiritual level.

The Party must free itself and free the Nation from the remnants of this burdensome petty-bourgeois, and by this we mean it in the broadest sense that we give to this term. The Party must maintain and accentuate the climate of hard times, become closer to the people, protecting their moral health and material existence.

Certain pacifism of a cerebraloid and universalistic nature must be carefully monitored and fought. It is outdated, especially in this era of iron and cannons. Nothing else exists nor can exist outside of our supreme war aims.

The Germans and Italians form a block of 150 million resolute, compact and determined men, from Norway to Libya, in the heart of Europe. This block already has victory in its hands."

 

 

 

Saturday, October 27, 2018

Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl: A Volkish Visionary

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Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl (6 May 1823 – 16 November 1897) was a German journalist, novelist and folklorist.
Riehl was born in Biebrich in the Duchy of Nassau and died in Munich.
Riehl's writings became normative for a large body of Volkish thought. He constructed a more completely integrated Volkish view of man and society as they related to nature, history, and landscape. He was the writer of the famous 'Land und Leute' (Places and People), written in 1857-63, which discussed the organic nature of a Volk which he claimed could only be attained if it fused with the native landscape.

"Personally Riehl applied the bulk of his labors to the two contiguous fields of Folklore and Art History. Folklore (Volkskunde) is here taken in his own definition, namely, as the science which uncovers the recondite causal relations between all perceptible manifestations of a nation's life and its physical and historical environment. Riehl never lost sight, in any of his distinctions, of that inalienable affinity between land and people; the solidarity of a nation, its very right of existing as a political entity, he derived from homogeneity as to origin, language, custom, habitat."

Otto Heller - The German Classics of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

"Riehl's writings became normative for a large body of Volkish thought...he constructed a more completely integrated Volkish view of man and society as they related to nature, history, and landscape....in his famous Land und Leute (Land and People), written in 1857-63," which "discussed the organic nature of a Volk which he claimed could only be attained if it fused with the native landscape....Riehl rejected all artificiality and defined modernity as a nature contrived by man and thus devoid of that genuineness to which living nature alone gives meaning...Riehl pointed to the newly developing urban centers as the cause of social unrest and the democratic upsurge of 1848 in Hessia"....for many "subsequent Volkish thinkers, only nature was genuine."

"Riehl desired a hierarchical society that patterned after the medieval estates. In Die bürgerliche Gesellschaft(Bourgeois Society) he accused those of Capitalist interest of "disturbing ancient customs and thus destroying the historicity of the Volk."

George Mosse

[caption id="attachment_7463" align="aligncenter" width="366"]219638737813f353e352df24e07ca9bb Forest painting by Adolf Hitler[/caption]

"We must save the sacred forest, not only so that our ovens do not become cold in winter, but also so that the pulse of life of the people continues to beat warm and joyfully, so that Germany remains German."


"In the contrast between the forest and the field is manifest the most simple and natural preparatory stage of the multiformity and variety of German social life, that richness of peculiar national characteristics in which lies concealed the tenacious rejuvenating power of our nation."


"In our woodland villages—and whoever has wandered through the German mountains knows that there are still many genuine woodland villages in the German Fatherland—the remains of primitive civilization are still preserved to our national life, not only in their shadiness but also in their fresh and natural splendor. Not only the woodland, but likewise the sand dunes, the moors, the heath, the tracts of rock and glacier, all wildernesses and desert wastes, are a necessary supplement to the cultivated field lands. Let us rejoice that there is still so much wilderness left in Germany. In order for a nation to develop its power it must embrace at the same time the most varied phases of evolution. A nation over-refined by culture and satiated with prosperity is a dead nation, for whom nothing remains but, like Sardanapalus, to burn itself up together with all its magnificence. The blasé city man, the fat farmer of the rich corn-land, may be the men of the present; but the poverty-stricken peasant of the moors, the rough, hardy peasant of the forests, the lonely, self-reliant Alpine shepherd, full of legends and songs—these are the men of the future. Civil society is founded on the doctrine of the natural inequality of mankind. Indeed, in this inequality of talents and of callings is rooted the highest glory of society, for it is the source of its inexhaustible vital energy."


Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl - Field and Forest

Bury my Heart at Wounded Knee (2007), debate over rights to "stolen land"

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TIqOTSeisjk

2007 HBO docudrama Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee, Chief Sitting Bull complains to a U.S. Army colonel about whites' violent treatment of the Indians. The colonel retorts, "You were killing each other for hundreds of moons before the first white stepped foot on this continent."

Friday, October 26, 2018

Agitation is healthy

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"In a way I miss the early days where the over-boarding youthful strive for extremism and originality provided a radical climate of awareness and caution; “You wear the wrong T-shirt”, “You listen to fake bands”, but also if you just jumped on the bandwagon and copied someone, then you were accused of being fake. Let us re-install all that “true” vs. “fake” thing again. Agitation is healthy – let’s throw out the mentally and artistically weak!"
- TT of Abigor [The Sinister Flame #5]

Fascism and National Socialism

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(Published in Gerarchia, June 6, 1938)

By Rudolf Hess

In the same way in which last year the Italian people followed with great enthusiasm the visit of their Duce to Germany, so in recent days the German people have had their share, and passionately followed the visit of their Führer to your Empire, Italian Fascists! The two great and civil Nations have once again spent days sharing joy, happiness and triumph. They have experienced an atmosphere of sublime awareness, because noble thoughts—conceived by the best minds of the two Empires in a common identity of views—are the source of friendship, and mutual personal friendship between the same two leaders: Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler.

With noble pride, these two great historical figures can now take a retrospective look at the revolutions which they introduced into European and world history: Fascism and National Socialism.

Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler liberated their people from Marxism and saved them from Bolshevism. It is they who gained and ensured political freedom and social justice for their people. It is they who created and animated the vital forces of their Nations, secured the honour of labour, and the honour of all the workers of the two Empires. Through their Parties they have rejuvenated the two countries, transforming them into imperial Nations. Nothing could be more natural, therefore, that both in Germany and in Italy the closest comrades of the Duce and the Führer, the comrades of the first hour, the Old Guard of Fascism and National Socialism have proven an inexpressible satisfaction in this pleasant spring of friendship between the two Revolutions which they serve and the two Leaders whom they obey. For them, these days constitute the radiant apotheosis of their battle.

Fascists! We, the followers of Adolf Hitler, and you, the followers of Benito Mussolini, together we unite in a common pride because we enter into history as men who, at a crucial moment in the development of the life of our people, gave our whole beings over to greater men. Destiny gave them to us in these days of anguish and struggle. They are the chosen spirits of all those who have been born on Italian and German soil.

I salute you, therefore, in the fair waiting for the days ahead: Viva Mussolini! Heil Hitler!

Thursday, October 25, 2018

It's always the best and the bravest who sacrifice their lives

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"I want peace - and I will do everything I can to make peace. It's not too late yet. In doing so, I will go to the limits of what is possible, as far as the sacrifices and dignity of the German nation permits it. I know better things than war! But if I think of the loss of German blood - it's always the best and the bravest who sacrifice their lives, whose job it would be to embody the nation. I don't need to make my name known through war like Churchill. I want to make a name for myself as a folder of the German people, I want to secure it's unity and living space, enforce National Socialism and shape the environment. "

(Adolf Hitler in a conversation with his architect Prof. Hermann Giesler, June 1940)

Source: Hermann Giesler's book

"Ein anderer Hitler", page 395

Wednesday, October 24, 2018

Let the Finest Rule

[caption id="attachment_7443" align="aligncenter" width="350"]SAM_4805 The Lion of Chaeronea, erected by the Thebans in memory of their dead (photo taken by me, February 2014)[/caption]

"I would rather obey a fine lion, much stronger than myself, than two hundred rats of my own species."

Voltaire

Tuesday, October 23, 2018

A disembodied statue of Joseph Stalin's head on the streets of Budapest during the Hungarian Revolution, 1956

[caption id="attachment_7424" align="aligncenter" width="600"]stalin_budapest_1956_1 Stalin’s monument was torn down on October 23, 1956, by enraged anti-Soviet crowds during Hungary’s October Revolution.[/caption]

Built as the birthday present to Stalin on his seventieth birthday (December 21st, 1949), the Stalin Monument in Budapest has become the iconic scene of the Hungarian Uprising in 1956.

The monument was erected on the edge of Városliget, the city park of Budapest. The large monument stood 25 meters tall in total. The bronze statue stood eight meters high on a four meters high limestone base on top of a tribune eighteen meters wide. Stalin was portrayed as a speaker, standing tall and rigid with his right hand at his chest. The sides of the tribune were decorated with relief sculptures depicting the Hungarian people welcoming their leader. The monument not only demonstrated Stalin’s power, but the power of the Hungarian Working People’s Party as well.

[caption id="attachment_7426" align="aligncenter" width="600"]stalin_budapest_1956_4 The large monument stood 25 metres tall in total. The monument not only demonstrated Stalin’s power, but the power of the Hungarian Working People’s Party as well.[/caption]

On October 23, 1956, around two hundred thousand Hungarians gathered in Budapest to demonstrate in sympathy for the Poles who had just gained political reform during the Polish October. The Hungarians broadcast sixteen demands over the radio, one of them being the dismantling of Stalin’s statue.

A hundred thousand Hungarian revolutionaries demolished the Stalin statue, leaving only his boots, in which they planted a Hungarian flag. The bronze inscribed name of the Hungarians’ leader, teacher and “best friend” was ripped off from the pedestal. Before the toppling of the statue, someone had placed a sign over Stalin’s mouth that read “Russians, when you run away don’t leave me behind!”. The revolutionaries chanted “Russia go home!” while pulling down the statue. “W.C.” and other insulting remarks were scrawled over the fragmented parts of the statue.

There is a contemporary report about how it came down (translated it from Hungarian):

“Finally we managed to secure the place and start the trucks. Then the wires started pulling the hated abomination of a symbol by the neck. All together, again and again, pull, watch out! – and the statue would not budge. The wires snapped one by one and we were fighting with our tears while feeling anger and impotence. But we said: man placed it there, man must be able to remove it. We had to think of something.

One of the engineering students (such as myself) says his school is relatively nearby, they have gas cutting devices there. Five boys fetch the cutters, the people cheer as we work on it; instead of shrinking, the crowd grows bigger. We get a lot of help, many of us are proficient with the instruments as we were engineering students and welders by trade. With all this know-how we cut the statue below the knee within minutes; the biggest issue was pushing back the crowd as everybody was eager to help. Then and there weren’t bosses and workers, apprentices and teachers. Everybody was equal there and everybody wanted to help.

It finally happened, we managed to get the crowd back; and then the trucks could pull down the compromised statue, crackling and rustling. It must have been the happiest moment of my life up until that point, witnessing how the enormous, loathed symbol came crashing down to the ground. As it lay there we mounted it and we were overcome with euphoria, as if we had defeated the whole of communism and we embraced each other with joy.”

[caption id="attachment_7427" align="aligncenter" width="600"]stalin_budapest_1956_3 Note the “W.C” inscribed on the monument.[/caption]

[caption id="attachment_7428" align="aligncenter" width="600"]stalin_budapest_1956_2 “[The demonstrators] placed […] a thick steel rope around the neck of the 25-metre tall Stalin’s statue while other people, arriving in trucks with oxygen cylinders and metal cutting blowpipes, were setting to work on the statue’s bronze shoes. […] An hour later the statue fell down from its pedestal.”[/caption]

[caption id="attachment_7429" align="aligncenter" width="600"]stalin_budapest_1956 Insulting remarks were scrawled over the fragmented parts of the statue.[/caption]

[caption id="attachment_7430" align="aligncenter" width="600"]stalin_budapest_1956_5 Remains of the statue on Grand Boulevard.[/caption]

The site of the former Stalin Monument is now occupied by the Monument of the 1956 Revolution, completed in 2006 for the 50th anniversary of the historic event. A life-sized copy of the tribune was built in Budapest’s Statue Park with the broken bronze shoes on top of the pedestal in 2006. This is not an accurate copy of the original but only an artistic recreation by sculptor Ákos Eleőd.

Source

David Irving on the Hungarian uprising

https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=25&v=GvcfRXqkYuk

"The uprising begun as an anti-jewish uprising"







Uprising! One Nation's Nightmare: Hungary 1956 (Reviewed by Charles Lutton)

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No less a figure than A. J. P. Taylor has described British historian David Irving as "a patient researcher of unrivalled industry and success." Since the publication of his book The Destruction of Dresden in 1963, Irving has written or translated over a dozen books, a number of which have been bestsellers in several countries. Visit any well-stocked bookstore in the United States and you are likely to find at least one or two Irving titles in the "history" or "military" sections. With millions of readers worldwide, who eagerly anticipate the next results of his often amazingly productive research efforts, it is not going too far to state that the appearance of a new book by David Irving constitutes a publishing "event."

Irving has done well for himself -- his London flat is located in a posh area near the U.S. Embassy off Grosvenor Square -- and certainly for his agent and publishers. So, when his study of the 1956 Hungarian revolt was published in Britain in Spring 1981 by the distinguished house of Hodder & Stoughton, with publication as well in France, and serialization in the large-circulation West German weekly Der Spiegel, it was right to assume that Uprising! would shortly appear in this country. But going on four years since it hit bookstores in Western Europe, Uprising! has yet to find an American publisher. There are clearly people here who do not want their fellow Americans to read this book. We shall soon see why.

It has been nearly thirty years since the people of Hungary rose up against the vicious Communist regime that had been imposed on them by Stalin. During the Second World War, thousands of Hungarians fought and died fighting the Russians on the Eastern Front. "Liberation" from the "Fascists"* took place in typical Soviet style: over 600,000 Hungarian males were deported as slave laborers to the USSR while, as Irving points out, "for many of Hungary's beautiful and lissom girls the first useful Russian phrase was one that anguished parents taught them: 'I've got syphilis and TB.' Workers grimly joked that their country had now known three disasters -- their defeat by the Tartars, their conquest by the Turks, and their liberation by the Russians." [*The Soviets invariably refer to "Facists" or "Hitlerites" -- never to "National Socialists"; these national socialists have some real problems with that term.]

As we know, at Yalta in 1945 that champion of universal brotherhood and democracy, Joseph Stalin,affirmed with his fellow champions Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill "the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live." Elections did take place in Hungary in November of that year, with the local Communists and Social Democrats obtaining only seventeen per cent of the votes. (The people of Hungary had not forgotten the short-lived Communist regime led by Bela Kun ["Cohen"] that had drenched the country in blood before being overthrown by popular forces in 1919.) Failure at the polls in 1945 did not faze the Reds, who set aboutto undermine the Hungarian Republic. After all, as the author reminds his readers, "the whole Communist advance is based on conspiracy and intrigue, and Party members relish and revel in it." By the end of 1947, the Communists, backed by Stalin's Red Army, aborted the fledgling Republic.

To run his Hungarian satrapy, Stalin picked one Matyas Rakosi (born "Roth"), described by Irving as an "ugly Jewish dwarf"who had "the tact of a Kosher butcher." Irving, not one to fear an awkward truth, discovered that the Communist regime and its terror machinery was viewed by the Hungarian people -- and, it turns out, the U.S. State Department -- as being almost entirely in the hands of Jews. A "Jewish Quartet" ruled the country: Rakosi, Ernest Gero (born "Ernst Singer"), Michael Farkas ("Wolf") the defense minister, and Joseph Revai, minister of propaganda. The AVH, dreaded Hungarian equivalent of the NKVD, was headed by a creature who went under the name of Gabor Peter, but had been born as "Benjamin Auschpitz." Peter (sic) staffed the AVH with fellow Jews. Irving points out that "The regime's high Jewish profile caused deep resentment." He cites the work of an American sociologist, Jay Schulman, who interviewed many Hungarian refugees after the events of 1956 and found that "the Communist leaders were perceived as Jews by almost 100 percent of the people we have seen."

It is this sort of information -- what the distinguished American revisionist historian James J. Martin has dubbed "inconvenient history" -- that has probably delayed publication of this fascinating book in the United States. For, after years of painstaking research including the use of the testimonies of refugees taken by the CIA and State Department and deposited in American university libraries, interviews with survivors (even including the Soviet general who commanded the 1956 intervention), and diaries of diplomats and journalists who were on the scene, Irving concludes that the 1956 Hungarian uprising was a largely spontaneous revolt against what was viewed as a Jewish dictatorship. Inconvenient history indeed.

Contrary to the often self-serving claims of some refugees, among them ex-Communists living comfortablyin the West, as well as many "academics," Irving does not feel that Hungary's intellectuals and "liberal" Marxists played much of a role in bringing down the rotten Communist regime in 1956. Rather, he sees the compelling events as having been generated and carried out by workers and peasants, with university students taking the first step toward a rising on 15 October 1956, when three thousand students voted to leave the Communist youth organization. "The rebellion," Irving writes, then "spread like a medieval plague, only thousands of time faster."

What started with student demonstrations got out of hand, and Rakosi's "Jewish camarilla" completely lost control of events.Imre Nagy, non-Jewish, an old-line Communist who had spent the war in Moscow, became prime minister -- for the second time -- during the hectic days of October-November, 1956. Nagy called for free elections. The AVH was officially abolished, and the citizens killed all the secret police operatives they could lay their hands on. In Irving's words: "The real criminals had long ago donned false uniforms and escaped, leaving the small-fry for the lynching parties; often blameless recruits who had had no part in the decade of spectacular crimes of their superiors ... The mob rage was primeval, primitive, and brutal. It was the closest that the uprising came to an anti-Semitic pogrom, as the largely Jewish AVH officials were mercilessly winkled out of the boltholes where they had fled." On 1 November 1956, Nagy announced that Hungary was withdrawing from the Warsaw Pact and would follow a course of neutrality in world affairs.

For the Hungarian revolt to have succeeded, assistance was needed from the West. Unfortunately, the events in Hungary coincided with the Suez Crisis. Britain and France were tied up in the Middle East. The United States, whose CIA-sponsored Radio Free Europe had encouraged the Hungarians to resist their Soviet masters, could have warned the USSR to stay out. Instead, the U.S. reacted timidly with what Irving characterizes as "vintage Eisenhower eyewash unlikely to chill the blood of any Soviet commander." Eisenhower went so far as to state that the U.S. was not "looking for new allies in Eastern Europe." Khrushchev viewed this response as a green light to take decisive action free of American interference. Soviet soldiers were mobilized and sent in to quash the Hungarians. Irving explains that "President Eisenhower's renewed disclaimer of any strategic interest in the satellite nations barely drew an appreciative belch from him [Khrushchev] now he knew that he could risk everything to recover Hungary without in effect risking anything."

Many of the invading Soviet troops did not even realize that they were attacking Hungary; their impression was that they were headed toward Berlin to fight Fascists. Among them were Russians who "had hungry faces, and the slant eyes and Mongol cheekbones of troops from Soviet Asia. These young men in dark grey coats were killers and sadists ..." The Western powers did nothing while the Kremlin set about the task of reestablishing Communism in Hungary.

Uprising! is vintage Irving. Once again, the conclusionshe draws after years of diligent research challenge critics to revise long-accepted interpretations. But the book does more than re-tell a chapter of mid- twentieth century history. The fact that in the self-proclaimed "land of the free," where people are supposed to enjoy a "free press" and "freedom of expression," this important book has yet to appear in print, is a powerful reminder of just how hollow this great republic is and in what genuine peril we live today.

From The Journal of Historical Review, Winter 1984 (Vol. 5, Nos. 2,3,4), pages 411-414.

http://www.ihr.org




In The History of the Russian Revolution, Leon Trotsky wrote a chapter on the art of insurrection. In it he defined: "Historians and politicians usually give the name of spontaneous insurrection to a movement of the masses united by a common hostility against the old regime, but not having a clear aim, deliberated methods of struggle, or a leadership consciously showing the way to victory."

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What happened in Hungary in October 1956 was not a revolution but an insurrection. It was an uprising. When it began it was spontaneous and leaderless, and it was truly a movement of the masses bound by one common hatred of the old regime. Yet it was an anti-Communist uprising like no other. Many of the rebels held Party membership cards. Most were workers or peasants. The uncanny feature was that it resembled the classic Marxist revolution, it was fed by conditions which Karl Marx had always predicted would result in revolution, and it was led by the workers, the very stratum which he had expected would take the revolutionary lead. The parallels with what happened in Poland in the late summer of 1980 are striking; the exception is that this summer the workers were subdued by blandishments and promises of reform, while in past decades the Marxist governments have invariably turned their machine guns on the workers from whom they villainously claim to draw their mandate.

David Irving - Uprising! One Nation's Nightmare: Hungary 1956 (Introduction) 

Robert Faurisson 1929 - 2018

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For more than 30 years Robert Faurisson has been Europe’s foremost historical revisionist scholar. Dr Faurisson was professor of modern and contemporary French literature at the Sorbonne and at a University in Lyon, where he specialised in the “critical appraisal of texts and documents (literature, history, media)”. From 1979 he was forbidden, de facto, from teaching.

After years of private research and study, Faurisson first made his sceptical views about the “Holocaust” story known to the general public in two pieces printed in December 1978 and January 1979 by the influential Paris daily Le Monde. Soon afterwards Faurisson discovered the building plans of the Auschwitz morgues, the crematoria and other installations in the archives of the Auschwitz State Museum. He was the first person to publicise those important documents, which had been kept hidden since the war, and point out their significance.

Faurisson played an important role in both of the Ernst Zundel “Holocaust trials” in Toronto, Canada (1985 and 1988). His most noteworthy contribution to Zündel’s defence in 1988 may well have been his securing of the participation of Fred Leuchter, an American gas chamber specialist.

He was also instrumental in arranging for Leuchter’s on-site investigation in Poland of alleged homicidal gas chambers, and in making public the American’s remarkable findings.

For years French government agencies and influential private bodies have waged a concerted campaign to silence him. He has been obliged to defend himself many times in the courts for his forthright writings and statements. He has had to contend with numerous convictions and has suffered at least ten physical assaults, one of which was a nearly successful attempt at murder.

His bank account has been frozen, and legal officials have repeatedly visited his home threatening him and his wife with seizure of their furniture to cover damages imposed by civil judgments against his “heretical” works. His family life has been repeatedly disrupted and thrown into turmoil by this harassment. His health has suffered terribly.

During an interview in December 1980 with the French radio network Europe no. 1, Faurisson summed up the results of his research on “the Holocaust” in a sentence of 60 French words. Here is that sentence in English: “The alleged Hitlerite gas chambers and the alleged genocide of the Jews form one and the same historical lie, which has permitted a gigantic political and financial swindle whose main beneficiaries are the State of Israel and international Zionism and whose main victims are the German people — but not their leaders — and the Palestinian people in their entirety.”

That sentence”, he declares 30 years on, “requires no changes.”

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Read also:

https://carolynyeager.net/sad-shocking-news-our-beloved-robert-faurisson-died-today


Monday, October 22, 2018

Danse Macabre

[caption id="attachment_7406" align="aligncenter" width="600"]est1 The dance of death in Tallinn, Estonia.[/caption]

The artistic genre of the dance of death was most probably developed in France. The dance of death of the Cimetière des Innocents in Paris, painted in 1424, is considered the starting point of this tradition. (That work having been destroyed, we know it only through a reproduction in a book published into 1485 by the editor Guyot Marchant.) Afterwards were created among others the frescoes of London (circa 1430), of Basel (a first one around 1440 and a second around 1480), of La Chaise-Dieu (circa 1460-70), of Lübeck(1463). During the second half of the 15th century, the dance of death enjoyed an always growing popularity. You can now admire several dances of death on this site. Some are painted al fresco, like the one in France, Germany, Italy or from various countries. Others come from manuscripts or books, some are works by famous artists like Hans Holbein the Younger, Daniel Nikolaus Chodowiecki or Johann Elias Ridinger and some other are the works of unknown artists.

[caption id="attachment_7407" align="aligncenter" width="600"]The medieval dance of death. Pope and emperor.[/caption]

The dances od death were mostly painted (or more rarely carved) on the outside walls of cloisters, of family vaults, of ossuaries or inside some churches. These frescoes represent an emaciated corpse or a skeleton coupled with a representative of a certain social class. The number of characters and the composition of the dance vary. The dance of death often takes the form of a farandole. Below or above the picture are painted verses by which death adresses its victim. He often talks in a threatening and accusing tone, sometimes also cynic and sarcastic. Then comes the argument of the Man, full of remorse and despair, crying for mercy. But death leads everyone into the dance: from the whole clerical hierarchy (pope, cardinals, bishops, abbots, canons, priests), to every single representative of the laic world (emperors, kings, dukes, counts, knights, doctors, merchants, usurers, robbers, peasants, and even innocent children). Death does not care for the social position, nor for the richness, sex, or age of the people it leads into its dance. It is often represented with a musical instrument. This characteristic has a symbolic significance and appears already at the beginning of the dance of death. The instrument evokes the tempting, a little diabolic enchanting power of music. Think of the sirens' song, of the flute player of Hameln, etc. Like them, death charms mankind with its music.

[caption id="attachment_7408" align="aligncenter" width="600"]fall-of-princes The first printed version from 1554: "The Daunce of Machabree" (London)[/caption]

Before the first dance of death was created, there was a literary genre called Vado Mori (I prepare myself to die): poem written in Latin, of French origin, which went back to the 13th century. In these writings, representatives of various social classes complain, mostly in two verses, about the fact that they will soon have to die. In the oldest texts of that kind, there was a prologue underlining the certainty of death and, following this prologue, the last verses of eleven dying men (the king, the pope, the bishop, the knight, the physicist, the logician, the young man, the old man, the rich, the poor and the insane). In the most recent versions, the prologue was abolished and the number of characters increased significantly. The Vado Moriand the dance of death thus share some characteristics: the lament of a dying man, characters representing their social class, and a clear separation between the laic people and the clerks. However, death does not appear in the Vado Mori and nobody answers the laments of the dying ones. Consequently, the Vado Mori cannot be considered as a direct ancestor of the dance of death, nor the medieval superstitions, and nor either the mysteries, medieval theatre plays with religious theme. The origin of the dance of death is still unknown, although there are many theories about it. A thing is sure: the term "danse macabre" was known and used before 1424 (i.e.even before the creation of the dance of death in Paris). In his poem entitled Respit de la Mort, Jean Lefevre writes:

Je fis de Macabre la danse,
Qui tout gent maine à sa trace
E a la fosse les adresse.


It is not farfetchedness to think that this poet had just escaped death when he wrote that. He could have been recovering from a serious disease.

In the Middle-Ages, the dance of death was though as a warning for powerful men, a comfort to the poor, and ultimately an invitation to lead a responsible and christian life. But its basic idea is even more simpler, more timeless: to recall the shortness of life. It makes men remember that they all will die, without exception. It is also not astonishing that every century since the Middle-Ages has had its own dances of death.

Chronological list of the dances of death




[caption id="attachment_7410" align="aligncenter" width="600"]compost-126 Merchant's wife and Bailiff's wife (Paris)[/caption]

The list that follows is a non-exhaustive enumeration of the dances of death that are known. Those you can see on this site have a link.

Read more here

[caption id="attachment_7411" align="aligncenter" width="400"]basel-02 The Ossuary (Basel)[/caption]

Check also:

http://www.dodedans.com/Eindex.htm

 

Sunday, October 21, 2018

Localism, Nationalism and Polytheism

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Herodotus (8.144.2) has the Athenians claim that “Greekness” consists of shared blood and language, shared sanctuaries of the gods and sacrifices, and similar customs. By “shared sanctuaries and sacrifices” he probably means those at the panhellenic cult centers such as Delphi and Olympia. Apart from such centers the Greeks did not “share” sanctuaries and sacrifices. Each city, as we have seen, had its own for its own citizens. The localism of Greek cults, their being tied closely to one village or one city-state, with significant differences between cults even of gods with the same name, is a feature of Greek religion which probably resulted from and also contributed to another feature of Greek culture. That is the strong sense of national identity and independence of each of the 400+ individual city-states.

During the quadrennial or biennial festivals at Olympia and elsewhere, the Greeks were encouraged to set aside inter-state political differences and even wars for a month and so felt, momentarily at least, a sense of unity as Greeks. But the permanent differences among the cult structures of the individual city-states outweighed these occasional moments of “shared sacrifices,” just as political and military hostilities before these festivals resumed after them. Only once in their history, and that in the direst circumstances, did religion serve to unify the Greeks. That was when Apollo of Delphi became the focal point of the Greeks’ opposition to the Persians’ invasion of 480 B.C.E. Only when the Greeks were fighting a desperate battle for their survival against non-Greek opponents did their religion serve to unite them. But, for the rest of their history, the Greeks remained devoted to the deities of their individual city-states and never worked to develop or even imagined a religious structure that would encompass them all. Viewed positively, this localism of Greek religion, along with other factors such as geography, contributed to the remarkable diversity of forms of government and society, to strong local pride, and to the fiercely independent spirit characteristic of ancient Greek culture. Viewed negatively, it was probably among the factors that prevented the Greeks from establishing some sort of permanent political unity that would have reduced the number of self-destructive wars they fought with one another.

Remarkable in this localism of Greek religious beliefs about gods is the lack of religious hostilities towards other states, Greek or non-Greek. There were some “sacred wars” among the Greek city-states, but they all concerned the ownership or perceived misuse of “sacred property,” of sanctuaries, usually those few like Delphi thought to be panhellenic and the concern of all Greeks. There was never a crusade by one Greek city-state to impose its gods or its cultic system on another, and there is no evidence that there were even proselytizing efforts in this regard. The Greek sense of polytheism no doubt contributed to this. Not only did a Greek have “many gods” whom he worshiped in his everyday life, but he also recognized that there were many other gods worshiped, perhaps in another deme down the road, in a neighboring city-state, throughout Greece, and throughout the known world. Outside the polemical philosophical/theological tradition, there is no evidence that a Greek distinguished among these many gods by labeling his own “genuine,” the gods of others “false.” And one does not find, even where one might expect it, in the speeches of Thucydides and Herodotus, the claim that “our gods are better (or stronger) than theirs.” These historians do not have the Greeks claiming that their gods were superior to the Persians’ or the Athenians asserting the superiority of their gods in the Peloponnesian War. The Greeks – and this is a distinctive feature of their religion – were remarkably respectful of the gods of others, both Greek and non-Greek.

Violations of the sanctuaries in an enemy’s land by a Greek army were rare and strongly condemned. As Herodotus (5.1021–102.1) describes it, a fire started by Greeks accidentally destroyed a Persian sanctuary, but the Persians responded by intentionally and systematically leveling all the Greek sanctuaries they could lay their hands on, and for this they were punished by the gods. In his long description of Egypt, Herodotus (Book 2) does not disparage the very un-Greek, animal-formed, and otherwise exotic gods and goddesses he found there, but rather he seeks similarities to Greek gods, likening (however improbably) Isis to Demeter and Osiris to Dionysus. He seeks to accommodate the Egyptian gods to the Greek divine world, not to distance them from it. Such was, it appears, the usual outlook of Greeks on gods that were not theirs: respect, but not worship, and caution against showing “disrespect” for anything divine.

~ Jon D. Mikalson, Ancient Greek Religion

The Anniversary of the Battle of Navarino: A Major Victory in Greece’s War of Independence

[caption id="attachment_7387" align="aligncenter" width="800"]h-maxh-toy-nayarino-toy- George Philip Reinagle Battle of Navarino - George Philip Reinagle[/caption]

One of the most crucial dates in Greece’s War of Independence is October 20, 1827. It was on this date that a coalition of European powers defeated the Ottoman naval forces in Navarino.

After almost 400 years of Ottoman rule, the Greeks revolted and bravely fought against their occupiers. Greece’s revolution was viewed sympathetically in Western Europe and Russia, with Britain, France and Russia offering considerable help to the fighting Greeks.

The Russians, who like the Greeks were members of the Orthodox Christian faith, were very favorable to the Greek cause. The Russian Tsar believed that he had a duty to support his Orthodox brethren. At the same time, France and Britain were not keen on the Ottoman Empire gaining a strong foothold in Europe and were therefore also sympathetic to the Greek cause.

[caption id="attachment_7388" align="aligncenter" width="350"]Franz_Krüger_-_Portrait_of_Emperor_Nicholas_I_-_WGA12289 Tsar Nicholas I of Russia, (r. 1825–55). A Russian nationalist and Orthodox crusader, he prodded Britain into giving naval assistance to the Greeks and then launched the Russo-Turkish War of 1828–9, which finally secured Greek independence and Russian hegemony in the Black Sea region.[/caption]

By 1827, the rebellious but outnumbered Greeks were exhausted after six years of fighting. The Ottomans saw this fatigue as an opportunity to crush the Greeks and sought the support of Egypt, which was nominally part of the Ottoman Empire but was in practice independent under the rule of Muhammed Ali. The presence of Egyptian army forces in Europe provoked outrage and led the great powers to form an alliance to help the Greeks to attain their freedom.

Britain, France, and Russia joined forces and sent naval ships to the Ionian Sea. The decision to attack the Ottoman fleet at Navarino Bay was made by British Admiral Sir Edward Codrington, in cooperation with the French and in consultation with Greece’s first governor, Ioannis Kapodistrias. The two powers wanted to secure Greek autonomy and bind Russia by treaty as a check on Russia’s own expansionist tendencies. In turn, Russia wished to take over Ottoman territories and therefore sought to weaken Ottoman forces.

It was hoped that a show of force from Europe and Russia would persuade the Turks to end their occupation of Greece. However, the Turks and the Egyptians did not budge, instead deciding to confront the allies’ naval squadrons. The two opponents met off the coast of the Peloponnesean town of Navarino (or Pylos). Turkish ships fired first on the allied ships, commencing the Battle of Navarino.

Though the Ottomans attacked first, the allies’ ships were superior and their guns had a longer range. Codrington’s ship led the counterattack, and within hours the superior artillery of the European forces utterly destroyed the Turkish and Egyptian armada. The defeat of the Turks was so complete that they lost control of seas that that had been in their possession for centuries.

The Ottomans’ defeat in Navarino was so devastating that their position in Greece was substantially eroded. While they continued their efforts to control Greece, the Ottomans had lost the upper hand. Ottoman forces were ultimately forced to abandon Greece in 1832, with Greece gaining its independence that same year.

Saturday, October 20, 2018

Satan in Paradise Lost

[caption id="attachment_7380" align="aligncenter" width="350"]wings-snakes-satan-artwork-gustave-dore-paradise-lost-john-milton-1030x1280-wallpaper_www-paperhi-com_21 Illustration for John Milton’s “Paradise Lost“ by Gustave Doré[/caption]

"It would be difficult for me not to conclude that the most perfect type of masculine beauty is Satan, as portrayed by Milton."


Charles Baudelaire




[caption id="attachment_7381" align="aligncenter" width="350"]Satan in Eden (1866), by Gustave Doré Satan in Eden (1866), by Gustave Doré[/caption]

“ Farewell happy fields
Where joy for ever dwells: hail horrors, hail
Infernal world, and thou profoundest hell
Receive thy new possessor: one who brings
A mind not to be changed by place or time.
The mind is its own place, and in itself
Can make a heaven of hell, a hell of heaven.
What matter where, if I be still the same,
And what I should be, all but less than he
Whom thunder bath made greater? Here at least
We shall be free; the almighty hath not built
Here for his envy, will not drive us hence:
Here we may reign secure, and in my choice
To reign is worth ambition though in hell:
Better to reign in hell, than serve in heaven.”


- John Milton
Extract from Satan’s speech, Paradise Lost book 1




[caption id="attachment_7382" align="aligncenter" width="350"]Gustave Dore - Satan Resting On The Mountain Gustave Dore - Satan Resting On The Mountain[/caption]

Friday, October 19, 2018

The Sacred History of the Mythical Times

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The chief difference between the man of the archaic and traditional societies and the man of the modern societies with their strong imprint of Judaeo-Christianity lies in the fact that the former feels himself indissolubly connected with the Cosmos and the cosmic rhythms, whereas the latter insists that he is connected only with History.

Of course, for the man of the archaic societies the Cosmos too has a "history", if only because it is the creation of the Gods and is held to have been organized by super-natural beings or mythical heroes.

But this "history" of the Cosmos and of human society is a "sacred history", preserved and transmitted through myths.

More than that, it is a "history" that can be repeated indefinitely, in the sense that the myths serve as models for ceremonies that periodically reactualize the tremendous events that occurred at the beginning of time.

The myths preserve and transmit the paradigms, the exemplary models, for all the responsible activities in which men engage.

By virtue of these paradigmatic models revealed to men in mythical times, the Cosmos and society are periodically regenerated.

Mircea Eliade

Wednesday, October 17, 2018

The Traitors in the Officer Corps of the German Armed Forces

[caption id="attachment_7371" align="aligncenter" width="350"]Ludwig Beck Ludwig August Theodor Beck (29 June 1880 – 21 July 1944)[/caption]

By Wilfried Heink-

Following World War I, Germany’s army was demoralized, reduced to groups of free lance mercenaries. Discipline, the core of any army, especially in the German/Prussian army, was no longer. This breakdown had already started in the last month of WWI, when German troops who had been exposed to the Bolshevik virus while on the eastern front, were transferred west after the treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Soldier counsels (Soviets) were formed and Officers orders questioned or ignored (“The Kings Depart…”, by Richard M. Watt, pp.142ff). Strikes broke out in Germany which affected the war effort, the Kaiser, the Commander in Chief, forced to abdicate, in short, the Officers felt that they were stabbed in the back (Dolchstoss). Under the Versailles Diktat, Germany’s armed forces were reduced to 100 000 lightly armed forces. The Officer core, a proud clan, was devastated.

Many of the Officers, among them Ludwig Beck later to be appointed chief of staff, supported the NSdAP and Hitler, who promised to do away with Versailles (the communists also promised this, but the Officers, many of them aristocrats, could never site with them). Hitler, when appointed Chancellor in 1933, offered in a speech of May 17,1933 to disarm completely if all other states would do the same (H. Härtle, Die Kriegsschuld der Sieger, p.64, pp.102ff). He continued by saying that if the others are not willing to at least comply with conditions set out in Art. 8 of the Versailles Treaty and reduce their forces, Germany would be forced to rearm. Art. 8 was ignored by England and France, they kept arming themselves, as did Russia, thus forcing Hitler to abandon the Versailles Treaty since all other European sates ignored it. Accordingly, he broke a treaty that had never been adhered to by Britain of France. Hitler did what any other responsible states man would have done: finding himself surrounded by countries armed to the teeth, he ordered re-armament.

So far so good, no Officer who’s job depends on a strong army could disagree. But, there were conflicts, namely differences of opinion between Hitler and the army hierarchy. National Socialism as an ideology was a movement, a socialist movement, a peasant movement. Hitler, after realizing that other countries were engaged in an arms race, knew he needed a strong Germany able to defend itself, as well as a Germany able to sustain itself in case of war. The British blockade served as a constant reminder. The core of the officer caste never accepted NS ideology, they looked down at the party as peasant upstarts (W. von Oven, Finale Furioso, p.175), but for them anything was better than the Weimar chaos and they also hoped to be able to influence Hitler. Stalin solved the same problem by butchering or incarcerating scores of Czarist Officers, replacing them with the party faithful. Hitler never even considered this, as the National Socialists were proud of their largely bloodless revolution, as compared to those that had taken place in France and Russia. He may, however, had done well by doing some house cleaning. When von Hindenburg died, in August 1934, “the little corporal”, as Hitler was called by them, became Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, something the Officers, used to monarchist traditions, never believed possible.

Beck was against the Anschluss, the unification of Germany with Austria, he could not understand that this was part of National Socialist ideology. When all went well, he accepted it, but when the Czechoslovak crisis loomed, Ludwig Beck, on August 18,1938, resigned as chief of staff, to be replaced by Franz Halder. Beck cited the so-called Hoßbach-Protokoll (a topic to be discussed) as evidence of Hitlers intentions, the reason for his resignation, even though there is some proof that Hoßbach wrote what he did on the suggestion of Beck (A. v. Ribbentrop, Verschwörung gegen den Frieden, p.56). It is hard to tell when Beck started his treacherous activities, but Annelies von Ribbentrop provides evidence that in the spring of 1937 he already had contact with Goerdeler, one of the main conspirators (A. v. Ribbentrop, Die Kriegsschuld des Widerstandes, p.36). Beck tried hard to have Halder join the conspirators, however, no solid evidence exists to show that he was successful. That he was successful with other Officers is evident. In 1943 he told Wilhelm Leuschner, who was to be vice-chancellor to Goerdeler following the successful coup, that there were enough confidants in the command structures in the east that it will be possible to regulate the activities of the armed forces (Ibid, p.398).

Not much information available on outright traitor activities in the Poland war of 1939. That is not to say that Goerdeler, and others, including foreign office (AA) ministers, did not try to sabotage what had been decided by the government. A. v. Ribbentrop, as well as other authors, provide details. The officers also remained relatively quiet during the successful French campaign which Hitler helped to plan; “the little corporal was just lucky”, or so Officers assured themselves. But when Barbarossa dragged on and the initial successes turned into disaster, this situation changed. The battle for Moscow in December 1941 was perhaps the turning point (R. Sorge, Soviet’s spy in Japan, told Stalin that the Japanese would not open a front against Russia in the east, which allowed Stalin to move troops stationed there to Moscow). The Germans were exhausted, the supply lines destroyed by partisans, winter had set in and when attacked by the fresh Russian troops from the east, the Germans were beaten back. This is when “the little corporal” lost his aura of invincibility, and the jackals moved in.

Evidence of collaboration between German officers and Russians is scarce. In a meeting between the American General R. G. Tindall and von Moltke in Cairo in November 1943, the latter told the American that two groups of opponents exist in Germany. One of them, consisting of mostly military people, was trying to establish a good relationship with Russia, the other was sympathetic to the west (Valentin Falin, “Zweite Front”, p.395). There is little known about the activities of that first group, but Falin writes that Stauffenberg was not convinced that Germanys salvation, as he perceived it, lay exclusively in the west (Zweite Front, p. 429).

[caption id="attachment_7372" align="aligncenter" width="300"]Berlin, Berthold Schenk Graf v. Stauffenberg Stauffenberg at the Volksgerichtshof[/caption]

Here is what Allan W. Dulles wrote about Stauffenberg in “Germany’s Underground”, pp.170/71:

“At approximately the same time Count von Stauffenberg was acquiring influence among the conspirators. He had gathered around himself several younger army officers and civilians who were attracted by his forceful personality and by his determination to act. Among them was Count Fritz von der Schulenburg, a reformed Nazi and cousin of the Ambassador. Schulenburg’s great energy and administrative ability and his position as second in command of the Berlin police had made him an important member of the inner circle of those pressing for early action even before Stauffenberg appeared on the scene. Through his contacts with Trott, Yorck and others of their friends, he had brought the Kreisau Circle closer to the group of military conspirators.
Stauffenberg recognized the over-all leadership of Beck and Goerdeler, but had no sympathy with them politically. He was one of those who were attracted by the resurgence of the East, and believed liberalism to be decadent and the adjective “Western” a synonym for “bourgeois.” Gisevius told me Stauffenberg toyed with the idea of trying for a revolution of workers, peasants and soldiers. He hoped the Red Army would support a Communist Germany organized along Russian lines. His views were shared by other conspirators, particularly by certain of the younger men of the Kreisau Circle, including the Haeften brothers and Trott. In the case of some it was a matter of ideology, in other cases it was a question of policy. Some had reached the conclusion that nothing constructive could be worked out with the West. Soviet propaganda had influenced others.
The Free Germany Committee, although only a tool of psychological warfare, impressed many Germans. Germans captured by the Russians on the eastern front were sent back to Germany to spread the Communist gospel. “Free Germany” committees began to form in secret on the eastern front, and to a limited extent in Germany. While British and American planes ruined one German city after another, and London and Washington talked only of unconditional surrender, the Free Germany Committee broadcast on the Moscow radio:
“The Soviet Union does not identify the German people with Hitler. . . . Our new Germany will be sovereign and independent and free of control from other nations. . . . Our new Germany will place Hitler and his supporters, his ministers and representatives and helpers before the judgment of the people, but it will not take revenge on the seduced and misguided, if, in the hour of decision, they side with the people. . . . Our aim is: A free Germany. A strong powerful democratic state, which has nothing in common with the incompetence of the Weimar regime. A democracy which will suppress every attempt of a renewed conspiracy against the liberties of the people or the peace of Europe. . . . For people and fatherland. Against Hitler’s war. For immediate peace. For the salvation of the German people.”
The Russians kept up this propaganda to the end, and when we reached Berlin in May of 1945, the city was already placarded with Soviet propaganda, including these words of Stalin: “Hitlers come and go, but the German people, the German state, remain.”
[…]”

There is some evidence that Henning von Tresckow (a traitor), chief of staff of army group center (Heeresgruppe Mitte) since November 1943, was responsible for the early collapse of that group because of his traitorous activities (Friedrich Georg, “Verrat in der Normandie”, p.315).

The Stalingrad catastrophe, starting in the middle of November 1942, was the next big setback for the Wehrmacht and here we have the first signs of, if not sabotage, then insubordination, of intentionally ignoring the little corporals orders. Hitler had studied maps found in a Russian archive about the civil war following the October revolution in which the “Whites” tried to defeat the Bolsheviks. Stalin with the Red Army had crossed the river Don between Zarizyn (later Stalingrad) and Rostov and consequently defeated Denikin of the “Whites”. Hitler feared that this maneuver would be repeated and ordered Halder to station heavy artillery as well as anti-tank cannon behind the Hungarians guarding this section. He also “wished” (quotation marks in the original) to have the 22nd tank division brought into position. Halder followed those orders weeks later, partially, and ignored the tank order completely. Neither Gehlen, head of German Armies East (the jury is still out on whether he was a traitor) nor anyone else recognized this danger, Hitler did. In the middle of November the Red Army broke through at precisely that area and with overwhelming men- and material power succeeded in surrounding the 6th army. Zhukov, the hero of Stalingrad (Suvorov differs) later admitted that Gehlen had helped him (Werner Maser, “Fälschung, Dichtung und Wahrheit über Hitler und Stalin”, pp. 281-284). Goebbels held that the Generals wanted defeats, not to loose the war, but to loose battles to make the Germans realize that Hitler was a bad leader and thus prepare them for the coup (Finale Furioso, pp. 176ff). This was because the Officers turned traitors faced a seemingly insurmountable obstacle, namely the fact that the German people still stood firmly behind Hitler.

Now to the west, but first a brief observation on the games played by Churchill and Roosevelt, according to Falin in Zweite Front (Second Front). I have to admit that Falin, even though he tries to convince us that Stalin did everything to preserve peace, and thereby discredits himself, provides a new perspective in regards to the conflicts of interest in the Anti-Hitler coalition of Winston and Franklin Delano (The full title of his book: Zweite Front, Die Interessenkonflikte in der Anti-Hitler-Koalition [Second Front: The conflicts of interest in the anti-Hitler coalition]). He shows that Churchill was quite contend to let the Russians and Germans wear each other out, kill each other, regardless of the fact that assistance had been promised to the Russians by opening a second front in the west. Roosevelt, who in my opinion was a communist sympathizer, made an efforts to establish that second front, but Churchill sabotaged it according to Falin, and he makes a fairly convincing case. Friedrich George, in his “Verrat in der Normandie”, is of the opinion, and backs this up with evidence, that “D-Day” happened when it did because of the German advances towards an atomic bomb, not to help Stalin.

The English and Americans used the German traitors, be they military men or other officials, to their advantage but never promised them anything. This co-operation went so far, by April 1944, as to have the traitors viewed by Dulles et al as agents of the western powers (Zweite Front, p.429). The west-leaning military brass wanted to make peace with the western allies to concentrate their efforts on the eastern front (and here a conflict of interest must have existed between that group and the Russian sympathizers). They offered, and did their best, to allow the Normandie invasion to succeed, and all they wanted in return was a guaranty to be allowed to continue the fight in the east , whereas other details were to be worked out later.

A partial list of the traitors in the military (Ibid, p.423): Field Marshall’s Rommel and Witzleben, the military commander in occupied France General Heinrich von Stülpnagel, Paris commandant General Boineburg-Lengsfeld, commander of the troops in Belgium and Northern-France Alexander von Falkenhausen, generals Tresckow, Hammerstein, Thomas, Wagner, Olbricht (Field Marshall Rundstedt refused to join, but remained silent). To this list we must add: General Hans Speidel, Rommel’s Chief of Staff (F. George does not believe that Rommel was part of it, but his case is weak), Admiral Wilhelm Franz Canaris, head of military intelligence, Hans Oster, number two in the Abwehr and Walther Friedrich Schellenberg, SS intelligence officer and later head of intelligence. The number one of this group: Ludwig Beck. There are many more, including the afore mentioned Claus von Stauffenberg, but this will do to show that high ranking officers were part of the treachery.

The question has to be asked: How were they able to operate, quite openly, without getting caught? Louis Kilzer provides a partial answer in his “Hitler’s Traitor” when he writes that officials, whose job it was to uncover this sort of thing, were part of the conspiracy. This is true, but differences of ideology as well as distain for “the little corporal” also played a big part. Did Hitler not realize what was happening? Was he so removed from reality, living in the Wolfsschanze, with information possibly fed to him by conspirators? Or did he know and realized that at this stage he was powerless to do anything about it? We will perhaps never know.

The efforts of the traitors were not limited to contacting the enemy and sabotaging Hitlers orders. There were 42 attempts on Hitler’s life, according to Felix Kellerhoff in an article in “Die Welt”of March 3, 2009. The number originates with Will Berthold, Kellerhoff believes it to be much too high, but provides ten examples. Following an example of one of those attempts, mentioned by Kellerhoff, I copied this from “Hitler’s Traitor”, by L. Kilzer, p.168/69:

“Conspiracy returns
But such was the case with the conspiracy against Hitler that, following this great victory
 (Manstein in the east in 1943. Wilf), the participants finally decided to assassinate the Führer. Former chief of staff Ludwig Beck was the motivating force. He had earlier declined assassination on moral principles but now had resolved this internal conflict. Carl Goerdeler, former Leipzig mayor and a major leader of the civilian resistance, made the same moral choice (Gisevius, Hans Bernd, “To the Bitter End”, 1989, p.468). But it would be men and armies in the field that would have to carry out the coup. The ever-traitorous Hans Oster, number-two man in the Abwehr, prevailed upon Field Marshal Günther von Kluge to provide the services of assassination host. Goerdeler had also worked Kluge, commander of Army Group Center, in December, and Kluge’s continued acquiescence in the Operation seemed assured.
As originally planned, the assassination was to take place on March 13.(1943) after Hitler flew into the army group on Kluge’s invitation. Lieutenant Colonel Freiherr von Boeselager and other officers in the 23d Cavalry Regiment were to shoot Hitler
 (Clark, Alan, “Barbarossa: The Russian German Conflict, 1941-1945, 1965, p.308). Oster and Olbricht (chief of the Heeresamt) were to orchestrate simultaneous takeovers in Berlin, Munich, and Vienna.
But once Hitler and his SS entourage were on the ground Kluge got cold feet. Because of Manstein, Hitler once again was seen as a victor. Kluge thought that the German people would not accept the coup, stressing that “we ought to wait until unfavorable military developments made the elimination of Hitler a evident necessity”
(Ibid).
The conspirators were not deterred. Perhaps they couldn’t shoot down Hitler while Kluge was nearby, but they could certainly bomb him into oblivion when he left on his plane. General Erwin Lahousen agreed to supply the means: small blocks of trotetramethanium. General Henning von Tresckow would deliver the device in the form of two bottles of brandy.
When Hitler’s departure approached, Treschkow walked over to a colonel standing beside Hitler’s plane and asked if he would be so kind as to take the brandy back to a friend at Rastenburg. The colonel said “of course,” and the two bombs, each separate fused, were loaded on board
 (Ibid, p.309).
As usual, Hitler’s would be assassins came up short. The fuses failed, and Hitler arrived back home knowing nothing of the mortal danger that had traveled with him. To the relief of the conspirators, no one discovered the bottles, which were delivered to their staged designee, who was part of the plot[…]”

In November 1942, Allan Dulles set up shop in Bern, to co-ordinate the actions of the agent networks of Germany and the US (Zweite Front, p.336). Aside from that, connections via the Vatican, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, Spain, Portugal and South-America remained intact (Ibid). Canaris met Donovan from the OSS, they maintained personal contact for three years (Ibid, p.391/92), Menzies from M-6 was also in on it (Ibid). Helmuth von Moltke traveled to Turkey in 1943, as Canaris’s emissary to meet an American contact (Ibid, p.394), etc., etc. All sorts of information was exchanged and plans discussed. In the view of the allies, Hitler had to be eliminated and they would not have minded if he was replaced by Himmler (Ibid, p.420). Himmler, as contact person, is mentioned often.

The German High Command knew exactly when the allies were going to land on “D-Day”, the ‘where’ became apparent when the armada approached Normandie (Normandie, p.25). German intelligence was, in spite of Canaris and Oster, up to their task and had informed headquarters of all allied movements, including the direction the invasion fleet was taken. Some historians claim that German meteorologists did not predict the clearing of the skies in the night of June 6, but they are wrong (Ibid, p.55). Hitler decided on Normandie on March 4, ignoring the many allied subterfuges, landing at Calais one of them. General Speidel, however, ignored all of this information on June 6, telling commanders that this was only a deception, and the real invasion will happen in Calais (closest point to England), this despite the fact that intelligence had told headquarters about the size of the armada approaching. Rommel was home in Germany, celebrating his wife’s 50th birthday (Ibid, p.229), other field commanders were also on leave. The allies landed and although they met with some resistance, it was not co-ordinated. It was as if the Germans, who were offering stiff resistance against overwhelming odds on the eastern front, had forgotten how to fight a war. Orders were given, countermanded, divisions send to the wrong areas, etc., etc. (Zweite Front, p.424). F. Georg provides some 300 pages of details in “Verrat in der Normandie”. The invasion succeeded but the traitors did not achieve what they set out to do, or did they?

Conclusion

The authors of the books I have used as source all frequently state that archives are still locked and documents inaccessible. It is therefore impossible to know the full extent of what really happened, but many agree that the traitor issue has not been adequately addressed. However, those who wish that the issue be addressed and cleared are forgetting the elephant in the living room, “The Holocaust”. For, when this issue is dealt with, it will become apparent that this crime, if it really was committed, could not have been concealed from the brass of the armed forces.

The conspirators tried hard to get rid of Hitler, but were at the end afraid of the reaction from the German people, they knew that Hitler was very popular right to the end. Why not then, to discredit Hitler, provide evidence of the alleged mass murder of Jews? Something like that could not have been kept secret with some 400 000 participating (“Der Spiegel”, 10.3.08). Stauffenberg, when talking to other traitors, spoke of the so-called commissar order, the starving of Russian POW’s and the forced labor program as crimes committed by Hitler (Zweite Front, p.422), but not one word was uttered about what has become known as “The Holocaust”. In 1944, the conspirators planned to inform the German people about the hopeless state German forces were in and also about the crimes committed by Hitler, stating them as reason for his removal, but “The Holocaust” is not mentioned (Zweite Front, p.428). There are many more examples. In the end, the people were not informed of anything. Why not? What were those non-specified crimes that were mentioned? Why not refer to the single most horrific alleged crime, “The Holocaust”, if it then happened? Himmler, the arch villain, or so we are ordered to believe, was used as contact person, even though the allies were allegedly informed about “The Holocaust”! At Nürnberg, not one of the high ranking officers knew anything about “The Holocaust”. This is being interpreted as self defense, but when looking at how many of those Officers were traitors who were looking for an excuse to justify the removal of Hitler to the German people, this excuse falls flat on its face.

If “The Holocaust” really happened, German army brass would have known about it and would have used this knowledge to topple Hitler. The German people would not have supported Hitler any longer if such a horrendous crime had become known. But since this was not done, and since details about “The Holocaust” only emerged following the war, we can surmise that “The Holocaust” never happened.

Wilfried Heink