The Arditi of Fiume

"If at least half of the Italians were like the Arditi of Fiume we would have world dominance."

Gabriele D'Annunzio

Ο ΧΙΤΛΕΡ ΠΑΡΑΣΗΜΟΦΟΡΕΙ ΕΝΑΝ ΜΕΓΑΛΟ ΕΛΛΗΝΑ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΑΤΡΟΥ

Όποιος έχει μελετήσει την προσωπικότητα του Aδόλφου Χίτλερ έχει διαπιστώσει το μεγάλο ενδιαφέρον του και την αγάπη του για κάθε μορφή πραγματικής τέχνης και την λατρεία του για τον αρχαίο Ελληνικό πολιτισμό  . Το Βερολίνο της δεκαετίας του 30 υπήρξε  το εργαστήρι  πολιτισμού της Ευρώπης με κορυφαίαονόματα όπως τον Γλύπτη Αρνο Μπρέκερ , τον συνθέτη Carl Orff  με το (Carmina Burana, 1937)  που αγάπησαν απο τον Χίτλερ μέχρι και τον Αντρέα Παπανδρέου. Σε αυτό το εργαστήρι πολιτισμού ως υπότροφος της Ακαδημίας Αθηνών  παρακολούθησε σπουδές Ιστορίας της τέχνης  στο Πανεπιστήμιο της Βιέννης και Θεάτρου στο Βερολίνο ο μεγάλος σκηνοθέτης και δάσκαλος του Ελληνικού Θεάτρου Δημήτριος Ροντήρης τον οποίο παρασημοφόρησε ο Καγκελάριος Αδόλφος Χίτλερ στο Βερολίνο στις 7 Ιουνίου 1940 με το παράσημο του «Τάγματος του Αετού» για την προσφορά του στην Αρχαία Ελληνική Τραγωδία.

Πηγή

Work, Freedom, and Bread

“Politics is concerned with bread. Bread is not given by God, but must be fought and defended.”

Doctor Goebbels, Michael p.90

NSDAP Election Poster (1928)

After the ban on the NSDAP was lifted, the party reestablished itself in 1925. Its new tactic was to bring about the political revolution it sought through legal means such as elections. In its depiction of the German farmer whose political demands consist of no more than “work, freedom, and bread,”

Thank you for all the great music

 

An Absolute Faith for Life and Death

“Comrades! To confront plutocratic conservatism, democratic capitalism and a Bolshevism that destroys everything in its path, the purist leveler in the last three decades or so has arrived: the Fascist idea, which has come up with solutions of social problems that have wearied millenniums of humanity … [the Fascist idea] today glows with a new, pure, and bright light. Embodied in the resurgent Italian Social Republic, Fascism applies and realizes its fundamental postulates. Tomorrow, this idea will bestow on the country its definite national and social structure. Comrades! Faced by plutocratic conservatism, capitalist democracy, and the destructive force of Bolshevism, we emerge. Moved by the purest ideas, we religiously swear to achieve a secure and correct consciousness that will guarantee an absolute faith for life and in death.”

-Rodolfo Graziani, 9 February 1944.

TELEGRAM FROM HIMMLER TO THE GRAND MUFTI OF JERUSALEM

ΤΗΛΕΓΡΑΦΗΜΑ ΧΙΜΛΕΡ ΠΡΟΣ ΤΗΝ ΜΕΓΑΛΟ ΜΟΥΦΤΗ ΤΩΝ ΙΕΡΟΣΟΛΥΜΩΝ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΕΠΕΤΕΙΟ ΤΗΣ ΔΙΑΚΗΡΥΞΗΣ ΤΟΥ ΜΠΑΛΦΟΥΡ.

"ΤΟ ΕΘΝΙΚΟΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΚΙΝΗΜΑ ΤΗΣ ΜΕΓΑΛΗΣ ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΑΣ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΙΔΡΥΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΕΧΕΙ  ΕΓΓΡΑΨΕΙ ΣΤΗ ΣΗΜΑΙΑ ΤΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΑΓΩΝΑ ΚΑΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΓΚΟΣΜΙΟΥ ΕΒΡΑΪΣΜΟΥ. ΓΙΑ ΤΟΝ ΛΟΓΟ ΑΥΤΟ ΠΑΝΤΑ ΠΑΡΑΚΟΛΟΥΘΟΥΣΕ ΜΕ ΙΔΙΑΙΤΕΡΗ ΣΥΜΠΑΘΕΙΑ ΤΟΝ ΑΓΩΝΑ ΤΩΝ ΦΙΛΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΩΝ ΑΡΑΒΩΝ, ΠΡΟ ΠΑΝΤΩΝ ΣΤΗΝ ΠΑΛΑΙΣΤΙΝΗ, ΕΝΑΝΤΙΟΝ ΤΩΝ ΕΒΡΑΪΚΩΝ ΕΙΣΒΟΛΕΩΝ. Η ΑΝΑΓΝΩΡΙΣΗ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΧΘΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ Ο ΚΟΙΝΟΣ ΑΓΩΝΑΣ ΕΝΑΝΤΙΟΝ ΤΟΥ ΑΠΟΤΕΛΟΥΝ ΤΗ ΣΤΑΘΕΡΗ ΒΑΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΦΥΣΙΚΗΣ ΣΥΜΜΑΧΙΑΣ ΜΕΤΑΞΥ ΤΗΣ ΕΘΝΙΚΟΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΤΙΚΗΣ ΜΕΓΑΛΗΣ ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΩΝ ΦΙΛΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΩΝ ΜΩΑΜΕΘΑΝΩΝ ΟΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΟΣΜΟΥ. ΜΕ ΑΥΤΗ ΤΗΝ ΕΝΝΟΙΑ, ΣΑΣ ΣΤΕΛΝΩ, ΤΗΝ ΕΠΕΤΕΙΟ ΤΗΣ ΑΤΥΧΟΥ ΔΙΑΚΗΡΥΞΗΣ ΜΠΑΛΦΟΥΡ, ΤΟΥΣ ΠΙΟ ΘΕΡΜΟΥΣ ΧΑΙΡΕΤΙΣΜΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΥΧΕΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΕΠΙΤΥΧΗ ΔΙΕΞΑΓΩΓΗ ΤΟΥ ΑΓΩΝΑ ΣΑΣ ΜΕΧΡΙ ΤΗΝ ΑΣΦΑΛΗ ΤΕΛΙΚΗ ΝΙΚΗ.

[Υπογραφή] ΧΑΪΝΡΙΧ ΧΙΜΛΕΡ."

"TELEGRAM FROM HIMMLER TO THE GRAND MUFTI OF JERUSALEM ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE BALFOUR DECLARATION.

'THE NATIONAL SOCIALIST MOVEMENT OF GREATER GERMANY HAS, SINCE ITS INCEPTION, INSCRIBED ON ITS BANNER THE STRUGGLE AGAINST WORLD JEWRY. FOR THIS REASON, IT HAS ALWAYS FOLLOWED WITH PARTICULAR SYMPATHY THE STRUGGLE OF THE FREEDOM-LOVING ARABS, ESPECIALLY IN PALESTINE, AGAINST THE JEWISH INVADERS. THE RECOGNITION OF THIS ENEMY AND THE COMMON STRUGGLE AGAINST HIM FORM THE SOLID FOUNDATION OF THE NATURAL ALLIANCE BETWEEN NATIONAL SOCIALIST GREATER GERMANY AND THE FREEDOM-LOVING MOHAMMEDANS OF THE WHOLE WORLD. IN THIS SENSE, I SEND YOU, ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE UNFORTUNATE BALFOUR DECLARATION, MY WARMEST GREETINGS AND WISHES FOR THE SUCCESSFUL CONDUCT OF YOUR STRUGGLE UNTIL SECURE FINAL VICTORY.

[Signature] HEINRICH HIMMLER.'"

Τεκμήρια Ιστορίας

A Real Revolution

"Khomeini's revolution is the only real revolution. A sacred society, led by an enlightened one by truth, not by an Enlightenment. His Iran reminds me of the Europe of the Middle Ages, and he is a priest of justice. The blood taken from the prisoners? These are the tragedies of those who have responsibilities. Is it better to save the enemies of the people or those who die for the community? Reagan, on the other hand, is the quintessence of US mercantilism and hegemony, it is the worst of an anti-European society!"

Franco Freda

On Fascism

In the present brief article, Alain de Benoist sets forth a basic definition of “Fascism,” challenging by implication the unacceptable generalizations of this term by certain Liberal and Leftist scholars today. Benoist also makes it clear that Fascism is a time-bound phenomenon which arose in very specific circumstances, and is therefore not a metahistorical idea (as some pretend). This understanding allows one to differentiate it from other forms of Right-wing thought (whether we speak of Traditionalism, Revolutionary Conservatism, Identitarianism, or others) and also to recognize the necessity of doing away with the simplistic and outdated struggle of “Fascism” versus “anti-Fascism.”

Translated by Lucian Tudor

Innumerable definitions of Fascism have been proposed. The simplest is still the best: Fascism is a revolutionary political form, characterized by the fusion of three principal elements: a nationalism of the Jacobin type, a non-democratic socialism, and the authoritarian call to the mobilization of the masses.

Insofar as it is an ideology, Fascism was born of a reorientation of socialism in a direction hostile to materialism and internationalism. Addressing itself to an electorate mostly of the Right, it has often had promoters among men of the Left. Neither racism nor anti-Semitism are consubstantial to it (Zeev Sternhell). In its concrete incarnations, it has been shaped by historical occurrences of the beginning of the 20th Century (the First World War, the Soviet Revolution), by the general frame of the epoch (the modernization of the global society), and by the nature of its electorate (essentially of the middle classes, sometimes with a proletarian component).

The experience of the trenches along with disenchantment by technology, Jünger has written very well, has marked a fundamental breakage. During the First World War, society appeared to divide itself into two groups: the combatants and the others. Returned from the front, the first had the feeling of having conquered rights over those others who had not fought. The combatants had believed in a society where the virtues of war (courage, the spirit of camaraderie, permanent availability) would also reign in times of peace. The patriotic rhetoric, when it is developed on a foundation of class struggle, could not be but a deceptive illusion.

After the Great War there had been seen, for the first time, the coincidence of nationalist exaltation and the (relative) disappearance of social differences. In the end, it is also with the First World War that the anti-democratic spirit “ceased to seek its principal supports in the past” (Georges Valois). An explosive mixture. The Bolshevik Revolution, at the same time, shows that a revolutionary movement can come to power by mobilizing the masses. It introduces the idea of the new man and imposes the model of political commitment of the priestly type; a political apostolate. The forms taken by Fascism to avert the menace of Communism would often be mimetic forms: they imitated those of the opponent so much so that they could effectively combat it (Ernst Nolte).

Behind a discourse at times traditionalist, understood as archaic, Fascism has been fundamentally modernist: it has encouraged and sustained all the developments of science and of industry, has favored the emerging technocracy, has contributed to the rationalization of the economy and to the institutionalization of the welfare state. To the extent by which it had glimpsed the abolition of the social classes of the 19th Century, and which, on the other hand, it had carried a will to power that it could not dismiss any of the tools placed at its disposal by techno-science, it could not act in any other manner. As Adorno and Horkheimer have already observed on the eve of the Second World War, Fascism, Communism, and the New Deal represented different versions of a project of social reconstruction where the State was called to play a principal function in the rationalization of the economy and in the reconfiguration of social relations.

At its foundation, Fascism is based upon the modern trilogy: State-People-Nation. All its effort is directed to making synonyms of these three terms, which are nowadays separated. Born over the sign of the Fasces, before anything else Fascism has wanted to appear like it. Thus it had wanted to bring together the social classes and the political families, opposed in another epoch, to consolidate the unity of the nation. This was at the same time its strength and its weakness. Obsessed by the unity, it has been the centralizer.

Pretending to avert the specter of civil war, it has engendered absolute hatreds, left as a fractured, irreparable heritage. Its Jacobinism, its subjective nationalism, is the source of all its failures: the one who tends to that unity necessarily excludes that one who does not allow himself to be driven to the unity.

That spirit of community, which has profoundly marked Fascism, does not permit Fascism to characterize it as its own. Fascism has not produced anything more than a particular version. In Fascism, the idea of community is vitiated by the conviction that that it must be animated and directed from the above, in a statist perspective, whereas a true community spirit is incompatible with statism.

The 20th century has without doubt been the century of Fascisms and of Communisms. Fascism was born of war and died in war. Communism was born of a political and social explosion and died in a political and social implosion. It could not have been Fascism if not in a given stage of the process of modernization and industrialization, a stage which now belongs to the past, at least in the countries of Western Europe. The time of Fascism and of Communism is finished.

In Western Europe, all “Fascism” today cannot be anything other than a parody. And the same occurs with the residual “anti-Fascism,” which responds to this phantasm with even more anachronistic words. It is because the time of the Fascisms has passed away that today it is possible to speak of it without moral indignation or complacent nostalgia, as one of the central pages of the history of the century which has just ended.

Alain de Benoist, “El Fascismo,” Elementos: Revista de Metapolítica para una Civilización Europea No. 67 (15 May 2014), pp. 9-10

https://nouvelledroite.substack.com/

Spiritual Revolution

“National revolution, yes. Social revolution, yes. European revolution, yes. But above all else a spiritual revolution a thousand times more necessary than external order, than external justice, than fraternity in words alone.”

- Leon Degrelle 

Occident (1964 - 1968)

"While it had a much smaller membership (some 500–600) and far scarcer resources than Europe-Action, Occident made its mark as the main activist group on the extreme right in the 1960s. This was due primarily to its ‘commando’ actions against left-wing students, PCF offices, immigrant associations, anti-colonialists and other ‘enemy’ targets, such as the Vietnamese Consulate-General in Paris. The Vietnam War had replaced the Algerian War as the battleground against communist expansionism, and Occident proclaimed its mission to ‘Defend the West wherever it fights’."

J. G. Shields, The Extreme Right in France

Occident rotest against Jean Genet's drama 'Les Paravents' in front of the Odéon Theater in Paris, France, on May 5, 1966