"The capitalist oligarchy is indifferent to the fate of national communities. Its goal is to satisfy an insatiable will to power through the economic domination of the world. Mankind and its civilisations are sacrificed for its purely materialistic designs."
"When we see in our own countries the breakdown of morals, the fall of the homeland, the fall of the family, the collapse of the social order. When we see the appetite of material goods which has replaced the great flame of the ideal that animated us.
Well, really, between the two... We chose the right side. The little wretch of Europe today, with this common tinpot market it cannot give happiness to mankind.
The consumer society is rotting humanity instead of elevating it.
So the rest of us at least, we have dreamed of something marvellous. And we have only one desire that this spirit be reborn.
And with all my strength, until the last moment of my life I will fight for this. For what was our fight and our martyrdom shall be one day...
The Resurrection!"
-Léon Degrelle
"Romanian people claim to be Christian, attending church, praying to God, and observing other Christian rites and holy days. However, to deal with daily needs and issues, they also believe in and practice folk beliefs and customs, many of which are unbiblical…casting spells, witchcraft, divination, mediums and spiritists, magic, communing with the dead, and sorcery.
Many Catholics in Romania are nominal Christians who do not attend church regularly."
Florin Paul Botica
ADDRESS TO THE REICHSTAG REGARDING THE PURGES OF THE NIGHT OF THE LONG KNIVES July 13th, 1934
The Background
Much has been made of the supposed ideological differences that led to the purges of the Night of the Long Knives, but the reality is that they were motivated much more by the contingencies of Realpolitik and personal grievances. This mistaken view is based on a kernel of truth, but more so on politically-motivated reasoning, misunderstanding, overemphasis on the importance of ideology, and a corresponding under-emphasis on considerations of Realpolitik.
Even after being appointed Chancellor, Hitler’s power was by no means absolute. It depended rather on a reluctant and mistrustful alliance with establishment conservatives in his early cabinet, in the Reichstag, in the aristocracy, and in the military. In 1933 and 1934, the NSDAP was still in the process of consolidating its power. By this time, the SA membership had ballooned massively to over two million men, far eclipsing the military, which was only just beginning to rearm. Tensions began to mount between the military and the NSDAP regarding the role of the SA. The military aristocracy, bearers of a Prussian tradition dating back hundreds of years, felt that their position and prestige was threatened by what they largely viewed as little better than a semi-organized street gang, an oversized mob of thugs with no ties to the proud military tradition of Germany, and none of its military discipline.
Their fears were proven well-founded when SA leader Ernst Röhm began to publicly toy with the idea of abolishing the military entirely and replacing it with his SA, with himself as chief of staff.
Röhm was instrumental in setting up, supplying, arming, training, and recruiting for the SA, and his high-ranking connections in the military and on the nationalist scene were instrumental in getting Hitler taken seriously by powerful people, to the extent that without him, the early movement probably would not have survived.
Much more important than the sexual deviancy were the many well-documented instances of SA thugs abusing their newfound privilege and authority to harass and bully civilians, settle personal vendettas, extortion, drunken public rowdiness, and a contemptuous attitude toward police attempting to discipline them—after all, now that their man was in charge, who were the police to tell them what to do? Many of them behaved as though they were untouchable. Thugs, gangsters, barroom brawlers, rowdies, and roughnecks who wouldn’t hesitate to mix it up with the enemy in a good scrap had been useful, even indispensable, during the Party’s early days and rise to power. The problem arose when the time came to transition from an upstart revolutionary movement to a mature government. The internal culture of the SA under the war-obsessed Röhm was not able to adapt to being in power and acting responsibly with that power.
As Hitler notes in the following speech, there are certain personality types who are simply agents of chaos, who instinctively oppose all order, who could be useful as pure muscle during the Kampfzeit, but once the Party was in power represented a destructive element that proved difficult to reign in and threatened to strain the Party’s relationship with traditional authorities like the police, and to make the public resent its apparently frivolous and petty abuse of power, making Hitler’s new regime look bad by association.
Thus, to use the parlance of our times, in many ways the SA under Röhm was “bad optics” for Hitler. Reichspräsident Paul von Hindenburg even threatened to declare martial law and put the Army in charge of enforcing it if the rowdiness of the SA were not curtailed.
The Speech
Adolf Hitler-Speech to the Reichstag Berlin, July 13, 1934
https://der-fuehrer.org/reden/english/34-07-13.htm
ΤΟ ΤΕΛΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΥ
Στις 8 Μαΐου 1945, ο Β' Παγκόσμιος Πόλεμος έληξε τυπικά με την ήττα της Γερμανίας και των συμμάχων της. Ωστόσο, στην πραγματικότητα, αυτό που τερματίστηκε ήταν ο δεύτερος γύρος ενός πολέμου διάρκειας τριάντα ετών, ο οποίος είχε ξεκινήσει το 1914. Οι ρίζες αυτής της σύγκρουσης εντοπίζονταν ακόμη πιο πίσω, στο μακρινό 1871.
Από γεωπολιτική άποψη, η Γαλλία ουδέποτε αποδέχθηκε την ενοποίηση της Γερμανίας υπό τον Μπίσμαρκ, καθώς θεωρούσε ότι απειλούσε την ιστορική της ηγεμονία στην ηπειρωτική Ευρώπη. Παράλληλα, η Μεγάλη Βρετανία αντιστεκόταν σθεναρά στον αυξανόμενο ανταγωνισμό της Γερμανίας στο παγκόσμιο εμπόριο. Μέσα σε λίγες δεκαετίες, ένα σύνολο μικρών, φεουδαρχικών κρατιδίων αγροτικής παραγωγής μεταμορφώθηκε, χάρη στην πολιτική του Μπίσμαρκ, σε ένα σύγχρονο και ισχυρό βιομηχανικό κράτος, το οποίο κατέκτησε σταδιακά σημαντικό μερίδιο των παγκόσμιων αγορών. Η ετικέτα «Made in Germany», που αρχικά επιβλήθηκε από την Αγγλία πριν τον Α' Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο στα γερμανικά προϊόντα για να ανακόψει τη διείδυσή τους, είχε τελικά το αντίθετο αποτέλεσμα, συνδέοντας τα γερμανικά προϊόντα με την αξιοπιστία και την καινοτομία.
Στον πολιτικό τομέα, ο Α' Παγκόσμιος Πόλεμος αποτέλεσε μια ευκαιρία για τις φιλελεύθερες δυνάμεις, με επίκεντρο τη Γαλλία, να ανατρέψουν τον παλαιό κόσμο. Με όχημα την κοινοβουλευτική δημοκρατία, επιχείρησαν να εδραιώσουν τις αξίες του φιλελευθερισμού σε ολόκληρη την Ευρώπη. Στη «Νέα Ευρώπη» του Τέκτονα Καλέργη, οι ταυτοτικές και ιδεαλιστικές αξίες των εθνών, καθώς και οι ιδιαιτερότητές τους, φαινόταν να μην έχουν θέση, με το άτομο να αναδεικνύεται ως η υπέρτατη αξία. Ο Μπολσεβικισμός, που αρχικά είχε τρομάξει τη φιλελεύθερη Ευρώπη, αποδείχθηκε ότι μοιραζόταν μαζί της την κοινή αξία του διεθνισμού. Άλλωστε, υπήρχε και ο κοινός τόπος της πνευματικής ηγεσίας των δύο αυτών πολιτικών ρευμάτων, η οποία συχνά συνδεόταν με την εβραϊκή καταγωγή πολλών ηγετικών φυσιογνωμιών τους.
Ωστόσο, ο Φασισμός στην Ιταλία και, κυρίως, το ιστορικά απροσδόκητο φαινόμενο του Χίτλερ στη Γερμανία έφεραν ριζικές αλλαγές στην Ευρώπη. Τα νέα αυτά πολιτικά κινήματα προσέφεραν λύσεις και απαντήσεις στα πολιτικά και οικονομικά αδιέξοδα στα οποία είχαν οδηγήσει ο καπιταλισμός και ο μπολσεβικισμός κατά την περίοδο του μεσοπολέμου, καθιστώντας αυτές τις νέες μορφές πολιτεύματος ελκυστικές στους λαούς της Ευρώπης. Για πρώτη φορά, ο εθνικισμός ενώθηκε με τον σοσιαλισμό, τοποθετώντας ξανά το σύνολο πάνω από το άτομο και τις ιδεαλιστικές ευρωπαϊκές αξίες των εθνών πάνω στον υλισμό του καπιταλισμού, του φιλελευθερισμού και του κομμουνισμού. Ο Χίτλερ πέτυχε κάτι φαινομενικά ακατόρθωτο, απελευθερώνοντας τη Γερμανία από τα δεσμά της Συνθήκης των Βερσαλλιών, ενώ το εντυπωσιακό οικονομικό θαύμα της Γερμανίας και η ολική της επανένταξη στις παγκόσμιες αγορές αποτέλεσαν το επιστέγασμα της επιτυχίας του γερμανικού μοντέλου. Η σύγκρουση και η ολοκληρωτική αναμέτρηση των δύο αυτών κόσμων ήταν πλέον αναπόφευκτος.
Η Γερμανία και όσα πρέσβευε ηττήθηκαν, με το Βερολίνο να μετατρέπεται στις νέες «Θερμοπύλες» του ευρωπαϊκού πολιτισμού. Ωστόσο, πριν την τελική της πτώση, η Γερμανία προσέφερε στην Ευρώπη και την ανθρωπότητα μερικά σημαντικά "δώρα": την καταστροφή της τεράστιας σοβιετικής στρατιάς που είχε συγκεντρωθεί στα σύνορα της Ευρώπης το 1941 με σκοπό την κατάληψη και την μπολσεβικοποίηση της ηπείρου, το θανάσιμο πλήγμα κατά της αποικιοκρατίας της Γαλλίας και της Αγγλίας από το οποίο οι δύο αυτές δυνάμεις δεν μπόρεσαν ποτέ να ανακάμψουν πλήρως, χαρίζοντας την ελευθερία σε πολλούς λαούς μετά τον πόλεμο, αλλά και την ελπίδα στα έθνη ότι υπήρχε και ένας τρίτος δρόμος πέρα από την παγκοσμιοποίηση του καπιταλισμού και τον διεθνισμό του κομμουνισμού.
Στην πρώτη φωτογραφία εικονίζεται ο 12χρονος Άλφρεντ Ζεχ από το Γκόλντεναου της Σιλεσίας. Κατά τη διάρκεια των μαχών στην περιοχή του, και παρά την άρνηση της μητέρας του, ο μικρός Άλφρεντ άρπαξε το κάρο του πατέρα του και μετέβη στο πεδίο της μάχης. Εκεί, μόνος του, φόρτωσε στο κάρο του οκτώ τραυματισμένους Γερμανούς στρατιώτες την πρώτη φορά, μεταφέροντάς τους στην ασφάλεια, και στη συνέχεια επέστρεψε για άλλους τέσσερις. Λίγο καιρό αργότερα, ένας Γερμανός Στρατηγός εμφανίστηκε στο σπίτι του, ανακοινώνοντας στη μητέρα του ότι ο γιος της ήταν προσκεκλημένος στο Βερολίνο για να παρασημοφορηθεί. Ο μικρός Άλφρεντ Ζεχ οδηγήθηκε στο Βερολίνο με ειδική πτήση, όπου στις 20 Μαρτίου 1945 παρασημοφορήθηκε από τον ίδιο τον Αδόλφο Χίτλερ. Στις υπόλοιπες φωτογραφίες αποτυπώνεται η "προσφορά" των νικητών στον ευρωπαϊκό πολιτισμό.
May 8, Denazification, and the Ritual of Perpetual German Guilt
May 8 returns, as seasons return, yet shaped by steel and fire rather than wind or harvest. Once, across forests and rivers, the German realm breathed in rhythm with the land itself. Knights gathered beneath banners adorned with ancient sigils. Peasants planted beneath the gaze of cathedrals whose spires kissed the clouds. Poets summoned spirits older than crowns or borders. These voices forged a people. Their hands shaped stone, their minds shaped destiny. That song now meets silence. May 8 does not bring spring. It brings ritual, a rehearsal crafted by the directors of forgetting. Flowers cover graves whose names dissolve from memory. Politicians speak, repeating phrases polished by long habit. Yet beneath each phrase lies the blade.
The blade once struck soldiers. Now it strikes meaning. What fell in 1945 exceeded armies and borders. The collapse swept through language, through birthright, through the marrow of being itself. Rolf Peter Sieferle walked this desolation, lantern in hand. Finis Germania rose from this wandering. A book shaped as lament, shaped as resistance. Not for conquest. For remembrance. Remembrance carried through shattered streets where once children played beneath eagles carved in stone. The imprint of Königsberg’s libraries reduced to ash. Of Breslau’s families driven across frozen plains. Of Stettin’s traders watching their guild halls dissolve into foreign hands. Marches stretched for miles. Elderly men gripping rusted medals. Mothers clutching infants wrapped in threadbare coats. Children whose lullabies became the rumble of distant artillery. The blade spared few. Those who marched did so beneath foreign orders, through snow and hunger. Roads became graves. Names became numbers. Suffering became silence.
The victors named this progress. They named it justice. Yet each proclamation dripped heavy with anticipatory annihilation. Justice measured by tribunals where victors judged the vanquished. Justice blind to the corpses of those expelled from Silesia, from Pomerania, from East Prussia. Cattle cars once carried victims to camps. Now they carried Germans to exile. No plaques marked their journey. No memorials shaped from sorrow. The past was rewritten. History bent to serve a single purpose: perpetual guilt. Sieferle traced the machinery behind this bending. A machinery as precise as clockwork. A machinery named denazification. An operation that reached beyond punishing ideology. It reached towards annihilating legacy itself.
Symbols forbidden. Books burned or rewritten. Monuments removed or renamed. Veterans silenced. Scholars dismissed. Teachers replaced by those who followed the victors’ script. Children gathered in classrooms where maps excluded heritage. Lessons taught repentance alone. Heroes dismantled. Legends dissolved. The harvest, once sacred, reduced to supply chains. The oath, once sworn to kin and ancestor, reduced to bureaucratic approval. The Volk redefined as confessors without absolution. An inheritance of guilt wrapped in paper, bound by foreign decree. The cycle became eternal. Each generation required to repeat the confession. Each generation shaped to accept this burden.
Cities rose from debris yet rejected their own reflection. Dresden rebuilt with scars displayed as virtue. Königsberg renamed by conquerors, its essence sealed beneath Soviet monuments. Danzig’s gates opened beneath foreign flags. Victors built memorials for their sorrows. Other sorrows ignored. A hierarchy of grief enforced through law, through media, through silence. To mourn forbidden losses became dangerous. To recall forbidden stories became subversion. Sieferle named this transformation. A people severed from its past floats without direction. Without roots, survival becomes drift. Without heritage, survival becomes mimicry.
Chambers open where voices once rose in pride and grief alike. Under the weight of a single immense sorrow, other memories gather at the margins — bombed cities reduced to cinders, mothers clutching children in cellars, soldiers vanished into fields where no banners remain. Families broken by borders drawn in foreign hands. These stories flicker like constellations fading at dawn, their names slipping beneath sands shaped by an unseen gravity.
In Finis Germania, the Holocaust towers — a cyclone drawing the ancestral soul of a people into its endless orbit. No other grief permitted equal voice. History bends beneath this singular force until Germany wears only the mask of eternal villainy. The masque of fairness shatters, revealing a face sculpted by accusation, by inherited sin. Sieferle traces this metamorphosis, a ritual where the testimony becomes the void, and where the black hole of one narrative silences all others.
May 8 has become the axis of this ritual. Each year, officials gather. Each year, the same phrases spoken. The same flowers placed. The same guilt renewed. The same blade gleams. The ceremony requires repetition. Without it, the structure could collapse. Without it, memory might awaken. Without it, new generations might remember the old songs. The machinery continues because it must. Because memory sleeps, yet memory also waits.
Sieferle saw deeper. Beneath concrete. Beneath textbooks. Beneath tribunals and treaties. Something endured. Forests endured. Rivers endured. Stone endured. The voices of the expelled endured. The voices of widows and orphans endured. Memory cannot be fully killed. It can be buried. It can be silenced. It can be punished. Yet within silence, memory gathers strength.
The blood remembers. The land remembers. The sky remembers. Even as rituals of forgetting grow more elaborate. Even as foreign architects build new cathedrals of guilt. Even as each holiday demands new acts of repentance. The ember beneath the ash remains. Sieferle’s words carried that ember forward. His book, a spark. A signal fire glimpsed by those who still search the ruins for meaning. For those who refuse drift. For those who choose remembrance over mimicry.
Constantin von Hoffmeister
“The spiritual decline of the earth is so far advanced that the nations are in danger of losing the last bit of spiritual energy that makes it possible to see the decline. This simple observation has nothing to do with Kulturpessimismus, and of course it has nothing to do with any sort of optimism either; The darkening of the world, the flight of the gods, the destruction of the earth, the transformation of man into a mass, the hatred and suspicion of everything free and created have assumed such proportions throughout the earth, that such childish categories of pessimism and optimism have long become absurd.”
— Martin Heidegger
My new book ( [ the ] fourth in total ), entitled, “The Fall of Communist Albania and Northern Epirotic Hellenism”, has been released.
A laborious ( but [ yet ] so constructive ) work of several months which has resulted in a rich, qualitatively and quantitatively-wise content, [ of ] a 450 page-long, publication.
This book is a comprehensive record of communist Albania, with particular emphasis on the last years of its existence.
This publication is divided into five chapters. The first chapter provides a brief account of the communist regimen’s establishment in Albania until the death of Enver Hoxha.
In the second chapter, which constitutes the [ books’ ] “backbone”, the course of the Albanian regime from the death of Hoxha to its collapse, is described in every detail. In this chapter, for the first time in an official Greek edition, all the chilling details of the case of the case of the suicide of Mehmet Sehu, the “number two” of the Albanian regime, are described. A gruesome account that truly resembles an espionage action crime film.
The third chapter concerns the living conditions of Northern Epirotic Hellenism during the omnipotence of Albanian communism.
Τhe fourth chapter deals with the legal prohibition of religious belief in Albania.
The fifth chapter deals with the communist organisations in Greece that supported the Albanian regime. It is the first time that something like this has been attempted in a domestic publication, and insofar as it is concerned the content is “tasty” as it constitutes the largest, most extensive chapter of the book.
This edition is supplemented with an appendix of four texts on Northern Epirus and communist Albania, which were first published in the Nationalist magazine “Anaktisi”. [“Reclamation“]
Ι thank and express my gratitude from the bottom of my heart to three special people:
Stella Koniari; for about four months, on a daily basis, possibly to the detriment of her own important activities, she typed the book using, the ( perhaps original ) method of telephone dictation. With willpower, patience and strength, the tens of thousands of words contained in this book.
Νora Miaou. Her contribution to the book was constructively catalytic. She devoted several hours of her truly Valuable ( and pressing ) time to correct the errors that would inevitably emerge from these hundred of pages. Without her active participation, it is certain that this book would not have this excellent syntactic and orthographic structure.
Northern Epirus, Land Hellenic!
Giorgos Mastoras
"The Third Position encourages private enterprise while it doesn’t allow economic exploitation of the masses for the benefit of the few."
- Juan Perón
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