Welcome difficult times

“Welcome difficult times because they will purge the cowards.”

— Ramiro Ledesma Ramos

The tragic story of Noelia Castillo Ramos

In 2019 she was taken into social care by the Spanish state after her parents found financial troubles, it was these times she was sexually assaulted by migrant youths in the centre. 

In 2022 after living with the traumatic experience, she tried to unalive herself by jumping out of a 5th story building but surviving, however she was now permanently paralysed.

Yesterday she choose to euthanase herself in a Barcelona hospital, however the blame for this is 100% on the Spanish state and those who make our cities unsafe with non European newcomers! 

We will avenge you Noelia!

The Old Man of Peloponnese: One Man against an Empire

Born in Ramovouni, Messenia (Peloponnese), into a powerful klepht (mountain guerrilla/bandit) family with a long tradition of resisting Ottoman rule. His father and uncles were killed by the Ottomans when he was 10 years old, an event that shaped his lifelong hatred of Turkish rule. Hate for the turk burnt in his soul.

He grew up in the rugged mountains of Arcadia and Mani, learning the art of irregular warfare from a young age.Before the revolution, Kolokotronis lived as a klepht, armatolos (legalized Christian militia leader), and later served in the British Greek Light Infantry on Zakynthos (under philhellene Richard Church) during the Napoleonic Wars. This experience gave him valuable training in modern military organization and tactics, which he combined with traditional Greek guerrilla methods. 

Kolokotronis returned to the Peloponnese just before the uprising and quickly organized klepht bands into a more effective fighting force. He was one of the first major leaders to take the field and played a central role in the early successes that kept the revolution alive in the south.

Key achievements and battles:Battle of Valtetsi (May 1821): One of the first major Greek victories. Kolokotronis helped defend the village against Ottoman forces, boosting morale and paving the way for further advances.

Siege and Fall of Tripolitsa (September 1821): As overall commander, he led the prolonged siege of the Ottoman administrative capital of the Peloponnese. Its capture was a huge symbolic and material victory — the Greeks gained weapons, supplies, and control of much of the region. They purified the turkish stench from the Peloponnese once and for all.

Battle of Dervenakia (August 1822): His masterpiece. When the large Ottoman army of Mahmud Dramali Pasha invaded the Peloponnese, Kolokotronis used scorched-earth tactics, blocked supply lines, and ambushed the retreating Turks in the narrow Dervenakia passes. 

The result was the near-total destruction of Dramali’s force (estimated 20,000–30,000 men). This victory is often cited as one of the most decisive of the war and forced the Sultan to call in Egyptian help under Ibrahim Pasha. His force was less than 2000 Greeks.

His famous quote was:

“Greeks, God has signed for our Liberty and will not go back on His promise.”

The Ethno-National Uprising of 1821: The Greek War of Independence

The uprising of 1821, widely known as the Greek War of Independence, stands as one of the most significant ethno-national revolutions in modern European history. It marked the determined struggle of the Greek people to break free from nearly four centuries of Ottoman rule and to establish an independent nation-state grounded in shared language, religion, and cultural identity.

The roots of the revolution can be traced to the gradual awakening of national consciousness among Greeks during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Influenced by the Enlightenment and inspired by earlier revolutions such as the American and French Revolutions, educated Greeks began to envision a sovereign state that would revive the legacy of ancient Greece and Byzantium. Secret societies, most notably the Filiki Eteria (Friendly Society), played a crucial role in organizing and preparing the ground for the uprising.

The revolution officially began in 1821, with coordinated revolts erupting in the Danubian Principalities and the Peloponnese. Despite initial setbacks in the north, the rebellion in southern Greece gained momentum. Local leaders, warlords, and ordinary citizens united in a common cause, often driven by both national identity and Orthodox Christian faith. The struggle, however, was not without internal conflict, as rival factions among the Greeks sometimes clashed, weakening their overall efforts.

The Ottoman Empire responded with severe reprisals, including massacres and widespread destruction, which shocked European public opinion. These events, combined with a growing movement of Philhellenism across Europe, led to increasing international support for the Greek cause. Intellectuals, artists, and volunteers from countries such as Britain, France, and Germany rallied behind the revolution, seeing it as a noble fight for freedom and a revival of classical civilization.

A turning point came with the intervention of the Great Powers—Britain, France, and Russia. Their naval forces decisively defeated the Ottoman-Egyptian fleet at the Battle of Navarino in 1827, effectively ensuring the success of the Greek struggle. Following years of negotiation and conflict, Greece was officially recognized as an independent state in 1830.

The uprising of 1821 was more than a political revolt; it was an ethno-national awakening that reshaped the identity of the Greek people. It laid the foundation for the modern Greek state and inspired other nationalist movements across the Balkans and beyond. Today, it remains a powerful symbol of resistance, unity, and the enduring quest for self-determination.

Η ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ ΤΑΥΤΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΦΑΣΙΣΜΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΥ ΕΘΝΙΚΟΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΜΟΥ

Η ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ ΤΑΥΤΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΟΥ ΦΑΣΙΣΜΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΥ ΕΘΝΙΚΟΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΜΟΥ.

Σήμερα, η ιδεολογική ηγεμονία της αριστεράς έχει επιβάλει την άποψη ότι τόσο το Φασιστικό κίνημα του Μουσολίνι όσο και το Εθνικοσοσιαλιστικό κίνημα του Χίτλερ ανήκουν στη δεξιά πλευρά του πολιτικού χάρτη, και μάλιστα στην άκρα δεξιά. Φυσικά, αυτή η πολιτική κατάταξη είναι εντελώς ψευδής και ανιστόρητη.

Οι πολιτικές ρίζες του Μουσολίνι είναι ξεκάθαρες: φυλακίστηκε ως αναρχικός στην Ελβετία, ενώ αργότερα διετέλεσε με τεράστια επιτυχία αρχισυντάκτης του οργάνου του Σοσιαλιστικού/Κομμουνιστικού Κόμματος Ιταλίας, της εφημερίδας Avanti. Λόγω της σύγκρουσής του με την επίσημη γραμμή του κόμματος, που δεν ήθελε την είσοδο της Ιταλίας στον Α΄ Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο στο πλευρό της Αντάντ, ο Μουσολίνι παραιτήθηκε. Η απώλειά του ήταν τόσο σημαντική για το Σοσιαλιστικό/Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα, που ο ίδιος ο Λένιν επισκέφθηκε τον Μουσολίνι στο σπίτι του στην Ιταλία για να τον μεταπείσει. Στις αρχές του εθνικισμού τον μύησε ο Ντ' Ανούντσιο, και το αποτέλεσμα του «παντρέματος» των εθνικών αξιών με εκείνες του σοσιαλισμού δημιούργησε τον Φασισμό. Ο Μουσολίνι ποτέ δεν έπαψε να διατηρεί καλές σχέσεις με τους παλιούς του συντρόφους, ούτε τους δίωξε ποτέ, παρά τη σκληρή κριτική που ασκούσε στον κομμουνισμό.

Όσον αφορά τον πολιτικό προσανατολισμό του Χίτλερ, το μνημείο του Γερμανικού Μετώπου Εργασίας (DAF), στο οποίο παραθέτονται τα λόγια του ίδιου, δεν αφήνει περιθώρια παρερμηνείας:

«Είμαι Σοσιαλιστής, διότι μου φαίνεται ακατανόητο να φροντίζει και να χειρίζεται κανείς μια μηχανή με επιμέλεια, αλλά τον ευγενέστερο αντιπρόσωπο της εργασίας, τον ίδιο τον άνθρωπο, να τον αφήνει να παρακμάζει.»

Όταν ο Χίτλερ ήταν παιδί, η έννοια της δεξιάς ήταν ταυτισμένη με τη μοναρχία, και ο μονάρχης με το έθνος. Στην πολυεθνική αυτοκρατορία της Αυστροουγγαρίας, το γερμανικό έθνος των Αυστριακών βρισκόταν σε αποδόμηση, καθώς οι πολυπληθείς σλαβικοί πληθυσμοί κατελάμβαναν όλο και περισσότερες εξουσίες, επιβάλλοντας τη σλαβική κουλτούρα. Από την εφηβεία του, ο Χίτλερ γοητεύτηκε από την εθνική ρητορική των αντιμοναρχικών οργανώσεων που ζητούσαν τη διάλυση της αυτοκρατορίας και την επανένωση της Αυστρίας με τη Γερμανία. Μάλιστα, συνελήφθη ως έφηβος από την αστυνομία σε αντιμοναρχική διαδήλωση, αλλά κατόρθωσε να δραπετεύσει κατά τη μεταγωγή του στο τμήμα.

Κάτι ελάχιστα γνωστό είναι πως ο χαιρετισμός «Heil», που έγινε ο επίσημος χαιρετισμός του Ράιχ, ήταν ο χαιρετισμός των αντιμοναρχικών οργανώσεων της Αυστροουγγαρίας, σε αντίθεση με τον χαιρετισμό «Hoch» που χρησιμοποιούσε το πλήθος κατά την εμφάνιση μελών της μοναρχικής οικογένειας. Οι σχέσεις του Χίτλερ με τη δεξιά ήταν πάντοτε τραυματικές.

Κατά την απόπειρα του «Πραξικοπήματος της Μπυραρίας» το 1923, λίγοι γνωρίζουν τον ρόλο της δεξιάς και την προδοσία που υπέστη ο Χίτλερ από αυτήν. Η απόπειρα ήταν αποτέλεσμα της πανεθνικής αγανάκτησης για την εισβολή και κατοχή της κοιλάδας του Ρουρ από τους Γάλλους. Δεν αποτελούσε αποκλειστικό σχέδιο του Χίτλερ, αλλά κοινή προσπάθεια δεξιών οργανώσεων με τη συμμετοχή του κόμματός του. Το σχέδιο δημιουργήθηκε από κοινού από τον Χίτλερ και τον Γκούσταβ φον Καρ. Ο Φον Καρ ήταν ο Κρατικός Επίτροπος της Βαυαρίας και σκληρός δεξιός, με σκοπό την ανατροπή της κυβέρνησης της Δημοκρατίας της Βαϊμάρης και την ανάληψη της εξουσίας από εθνικές δυνάμεις. Μόλις όμως φάνηκε ότι η απόπειρα αποτυγχάνει, ο Φον Καρ άλλαξε στρατόπεδο, ενδύθηκε ξανά την κρατική του ιδιότητα και συντάχθηκε με τις κυβερνητικές δυνάμεις, συλλαμβάνοντας τους άνδρες του Χίτλερ.

Αργότερα, όταν ο Χίτλερ ανήλθε στην εξουσία, το έντονα φιλοεργατικό του πρόγραμμα και οι διακηρύξεις ότι στη Γερμανία δεν θα υπάρχουν πλέον τάξεις, τον έφεραν απέναντι στη δεξιά και ιδιαίτερα στην παλαιά αριστοκρατική τάξη της Πρωσίας, η οποία τον πολέμησε με κάθε τρόπο. Τελικά, η δεξιά της Γερμανίας ήταν εκείνη που του κατάφερε τα πιο θανάσιμα χτυπήματα μέσω της τάξης των Γιούνκερς (Junkers), των Πρώσων αριστοκρατών αξιωματικών.

Είναι, λοιπόν, λάθος και ανιστόρητος ο χαρακτηρισμός του κόμματος του Χίτλερ ως «ακροδεξιού». Σύσσωμη η δεξιά και η ακροδεξιά της Ευρώπης στον πόλεμο τάχθηκε υπέρ των Βρετανών και πολέμησε τη Γερμανία του Χίτλερ.

Τεκμήρια Ιστορίας

Hitler was a Socialist

'I am a socialist, because it seems to me incomprehensible, to maintain and treat a machine with care but to leave the finest representatives of the labour, the men themselves to waste away.'

Adolf Hitler

He's using the proper meaning ('society first') not how you are trying to present it ('Marxism'/'Communism').

Violent Storm

On Saturday 14th March 1992, Cardiff band Violent Storm who were formed in 1986, were booked alongside Spanish national socialist band Division 250, No Remorse, and Battlezone to play for the NS Accion Radical in Spain. However, Violent Storm did not make it to the concert. Tragedy struck the band on the Friday while on their way to Heathrow airport to catch a flight with No Remorse and Battle Zone. The car in which they were travelling smashed into the bridge on the M4 near Bristol during a storm. The cause of the accident is not known for certain, but according to one report "the car is thought to have been lifted six feet by a freak gust of wind and hurled against the bridge." Four of the five people in the car were killed instantly. They were Paul Casey, Brian Sheeley, Darren Sheeley, and Jason "Jask" Oakes, a close friend of the band. The only survivor of this horrific Friday the 13th crash was vocalist Billy, who was thrown through the windscreen and found with head wounds 20 yards from the crushed car. 

Both British bands No Remorse and Battlezone assumed the lads had missed their plane and would arrive shortly. Upon arriving in Spain they discovered what had happened. After much thinking it was decided that the gig would go ahead and would become a tribute to Violent Storm. A three minute silence was observed and Blood & Honour supporters gathered at the gig from France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Germany, Britain and Belgium raised their right arms and paid homage to our fallen brothers. 

Most of the national newspapers carried the story of the bands tragedy. Only 9 days after their deaths, the Wales On Sunday newspaper ran a report revealing the “real truth” about the “racist roots” of Violent Storm. It was no surprise to see the name of the virulently left-wing but now defunct organisation ‘Searchlight’ mentioned in their article as the source for their information. Whilst family and friends mourned the loss of four young lives, the Red scum under the cover of darkness daubed Violent Storm’s local pub with the words “FOUR DOWN ONE TO GO”. Which all happened before Paul Casey had even been laid to rest! The following month in April a benefit concert was organised in Leicestershire. With Skullhead, Squadron and Skrewdriver playing and a collection was made and well over a £1,000 (well over £2,000 in today’s money) was sent to the families of the fallen. 

Recording for Violent Storm's album wrapped on 12 March 1992, the day before the car accident that killed the band. Intended for release on Rebelles Européens in 1992, the tapes were given to the Sheeley brothers' mother, who put them aside. The album was eventually released in 1995. "Celtic Warrior" was Billy Bartlett's original idea for the name of Violent Storm, and he would use the name for his next band.

A mythical claim

"They (Western powers) launched the myth of the Holocaust. They lied, they put on a show and then they support the Jews." ""If as you claim the Holocaust is true, why can a study not be allowed?" "The pretext for establishing the Zionist regime is a lie... a lie which relies on an unreliable claim, a mythical claim"

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad