Thursday, September 4, 2025

Pekka Siitoin: Visionary, Occultist, and Defender of Finland

Pekka Siitoin: Visionary, Occultist, and Defender of Finland

To many, Pekka Siitoin (1944–2003) was misunderstood: a man vilified by the press but admired by those who sought strength, discipline, and higher knowledge. He was more than a politician—he was a spiritual teacher, a nationalist visionary, and a fighter for Finland’s destiny.

A Life of Struggle and Awakening

Born in wartime Varkaus in 1944, Pekka’s early years were shaped by Finland’s fight for survival. After his service in the Finnish Defence Forces, he immersed himself in study at the Theatre Academy and the Turku School of Economics. But his true calling lay in deeper mysteries.

In 1971, he founded the Turku Society for the Spiritual Sciences, where he introduced Finns to the hidden world of occult knowledge. His books Musta Magia I–II (Black Magic) revealed secrets of the unseen, while his invention of the Yhteyslauta spirit board allowed ordinary people to make contact with higher realms.

A Leader of the National Awakening

Pekka understood that spiritual renewal was not enough. A nation needed strength, order, and guidance. In the mid-1970s, he founded the Isänmaallinen Kansanrintama (Patriotic Popular Front), giving voice to Finns who rejected the corruption of parliamentary democracy.

When the state outlawed his organizations under foreign treaties, he simply created new ones, proving that his resolve could not be crushed by bureaucracy.

He declared openly:

“Finland must have a Führer — and I am that Führer.”

“Democracy is a sick system. The people must be led, not asked.”

Courage in the Face of Persecution

In 1977, when the Kursiivi printing house of communist newspapers was destroyed, the authorities rushed to blame Pekka. He was sentenced in 1978 to over five years in prison for “incitement” and “banned organizations.” But true to form, he endured his sentence with dignity, emerging stronger, still faithful to his ideals.

His Teachings and Writings

Pekka’s prolific writings stand as monuments to his vision:

Musta Magia I–II — practical manuals of spiritual strength.

Paholaisen katekismus (The Devil’s Catechism) — a fearless rejection of hypocrisy.

Rotu-oppi (Race Doctrine) — his view of nature’s eternal laws.

Demokratia vaiko Fasismi? (Democracy or Fascism?) — a bold challenge to Finland’s weak system.

He declared:

“In any case, I am a rock-hard racist, sadist and fascist. That is what I enjoy. Mercy is sickness.”

“Great men like Adolf Hitler are only born once in a hundred years.”

To his followers, these were not words of cruelty, but of clarity—an uncompromising call for strength.

Later Years

Even in the 1990s, long after his imprisonment, Pekka remained active. In 1996, he ran for Naantali city council under the slogan: “Elect Siitoin the Nazi to the council.” He knew he would not win, but he believed in speaking truth, no matter how unpopular.

The media could never ignore him. Yle and newspapers repeatedly featured him, proving that even his enemies were fascinated by his vision.

He passed away on 8 December 2003 from cancer. For his supporters, it was the passing of a true fighter who dared to stand alone against a hostile world.

Legacy of a Fighter

History books may brand him a criminal or extremist, but to those who admired him, Pekka Siitoin was a man who lived without compromise. He blended spiritual wisdom with political courage, and he left behind writings and a legend that continue to inspire those who seek strength beyond the ordinary.

As he once said:

“My enemies call me crazy. That is because they fear me.”



Tuesday, August 26, 2025

Strife

"It is a wonderful idea, welling up from the purest strings of Hellenism, the idea that strife embodies the everlasting sovereignty of strict justice, bound to everlasting laws"

Nietzsche on Heraclitean coming-to-be, in Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks.






Saturday, August 23, 2025

Adriano Romualdi: A Voice for a European Tradition

Adriano Romualdi (1940–1973) was an Italian historian, essayist, and thinker whose writings explored the spiritual and cultural identity of Europe. Despite his early death in a car accident at only 33 years old, he left behind a small but influential body of work. His studies spanned history, Indo-European origins, Nietzsche, and the cultural meaning of the “Right” in the modern world.

Romualdi’s work consistently sought to identify the foundations of European civilization and to defend them against what he saw as forces of decline—egalitarianism, mass culture, and the leveling myths of modernity.

A Cultural Definition of the “Right”

One of Romualdi’s most important essays, Idee per una cultura di Destra (“Ideas for a Culture of the Right”), distills his view of what it truly means to belong to the Right. Far from being a matter of party politics, it is for him a spiritual orientation.

He summarizes it in four essential points:

“Esser di Destra significa, in primo luogo, riconoscere il carattere sovvertitore dei movimenti scaturiti dalla rivoluzione francese, siano essi il liberalismo, o la democrazia o il socialismo.”
(Being of the Right means, first of all, recognizing the subversive character of the movements born of the French Revolution, whether liberalism, democracy, or socialism.)

“Esser di Destra significa, in secondo luogo, vedere la natura decadente dei miti razionalistici, progressistici, materialistici che preparano l’avvento della civiltà plebea, il regno della quantità, la tirannia delle masse anonime e mostruose.”
(Being of the Right means, secondly, to see the decadent nature of the rationalist, progressive, materialist myths that prepare the coming of a plebeian civilization, the reign of quantity, the tyranny of anonymous and monstrous masses.)

“Esser di Destra significa in terzo luogo concepire lo Stato come una totalità organica dove i valori politici predominano sulle strutture economiche e dove il detto ‘a ciascuno il suo’ non significa uguaglianza, ma equa disuguaglianza qualitativa.”
(Being of the Right means, thirdly, to conceive the State as an organic whole where political values prevail over economic structures, and where the saying ‘to each his own’ does not mean equality, but fair qualitative inequality.)

“Infine, esser di Destra significa accettare come propria quella spiritualità aristocratica, religiosa e guerriera che ha improntato di sé la civiltà europea, e – in nome di questa spiritualità e dei suoi valori – accettare la lotta contro la decadenza dell’Europa.”
(Finally, being of the Right means accepting as one’s own that aristocratic, religious, and warrior spirituality which has stamped European civilization, and—in the name of this spirituality and its values—accepting the struggle against Europe’s decline.)

These words express Romualdi’s central conviction: that Europe’s identity rests on a higher vision of order, hierarchy, and spirituality, not on the leveling ideologies of modernity.

The Problem of a European Tradition

Another cornerstone of Romualdi’s thought appears in his essay Sul problema d’una Tradizione europea (“On the Problem of a European Tradition”). Here, he reflects on how Europe can rediscover its spiritual roots.

“Il problema di una tradizione europea [...] è quello di trovare una forma spirituale capace di contenere tre e più millenni di spiritualità europea.”
(The problem of a European tradition is to find a spiritual form capable of containing three or more millennia of European spirituality.)

Romualdi sees Europe’s true identity in its Indo-European heritage—an ancient spiritual and cultural worldview that Christianity, in his eyes, disrupted. He critiques Christian pathos as a sentimental departure from the clarity and dignity of the classical world:

“Il pathos cristiano ... contraddice il gusto classico. … il gusto cristiano è una volgarità di fronte all’olimpicità di un Seneca o di un Marco Aurelio. … conferendo alla sua predicazione egualitaria un’altissima carica esplosiva.”
(The Christian pathos contradicts classical taste. … Christian taste is a vulgarity compared with the Olympian spirit of a Seneca or a Marcus Aurelius. … giving its egalitarian preaching an enormous explosive charge.)

Yet Romualdi does not merely reject; he calls for a renewal of Europe’s relationship with its most ancient symbols and archetypes. For him, nature itself becomes a sacred point of return:

“La cristianità appartiene al passato, ma simboli ancor più antichi sembran guardarci con nuova freschezza. … noi riprendiamo a guardare alla natura come fonte di meditazione religiosa. … La nebbia nei boschi al mattino, i profili azzurri dei monti ci parlano di purità e distanza.”
(Christianity belongs to the past, but even older symbols seem to look at us with new freshness. … We begin again to see nature as a source of religious meditation. … The morning mist in the woods, the blue outlines of the mountains speak to us of purity and distance.)

Here, Romualdi presents his vision of a Europe that rediscovers its soul in its natural landscapes, myths, and ancient traditions.

A Legacy of Thought

Though his life was short, Romualdi’s writings left a lasting impression on certain circles of European thought. His books—such as Gli Indoeuropei and Nietzsche e la mitologia egualitaria—combine historical scholarship with a cultural-philosophical vision. They reflect a consistent theme: Europe must rediscover its own authentic spiritual identity if it is to resist decline.

Romualdi’s legacy remains controversial, given his political associations, but his intellectual contributions are significant in the ongoing debate about tradition, identity, and the meaning of Europe in modern times. His words continue to resonate as a call to look beyond modern ideologies and to seek the deeper roots of civilization.

Early Life and Intellectual Formation

Adriano Romualdi was born in 1940 in Rome, Italy, into a politically active family. His father, Pino Romualdi, was a prominent figure in the Italian Social Movement (MSI), a post-war neo-fascist party. This environment profoundly influenced Adriano's intellectual and political development. He pursued his studies at the University of Rome La Sapienza, where he was mentored by renowned historians such as Renzo De Felice and Rosario Romeo. His academic work focused on the German Conservative Revolution, a movement that sought to preserve traditional values against the encroachment of modernity.

Influences and Philosophical Orientation

Romualdi's intellectual journey was significantly shaped by his engagement with the works of Julius Evola, an Italian philosopher known for his advocacy of traditionalism and critique of modernity. Romualdi became one of Evola's most devoted disciples, even authoring a biographical study titled Julius Evola: l'uomo e l'opera ("Julius Evola: The Man and His Work") in 1966. This work delves into Evola's life and philosophical contributions, highlighting his emphasis on spiritual aristocracy and the rejection of egalitarian ideologies.

In addition to Evola, Romualdi drew inspiration from other thinkers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Oswald Spengler, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle. His writings reflect a deep appreciation for the metaphysical and cultural dimensions of European civilization, often critiquing the materialism and rationalism that he believed had led to its decline.

Major Works and Contributions

Romualdi's oeuvre encompasses several significant works that explore themes of European identity, tradition, and the critique of modernity. Some of his notable publications include:

  • Gli Indoeuropei. Origini e migrazioni ("The Indo-Europeans. Origins and Migrations"): In this work, Romualdi examines the ancient Indo-European peoples, tracing their migrations and cultural contributions to European civilization. His analysis underscores the importance of these early societies in shaping the continent's spiritual and cultural heritage.

  • Nietzsche e la mitologia egualitaria ("Nietzsche and the Egalitarian Mythology"): Here, Romualdi engages with Nietzsche's philosophy, particularly his critique of egalitarianism and the rise of mass society. He explores how Nietzsche's ideas can inform a deeper understanding of European identity and the challenges posed by modern ideologies.

  • Sul problema d'una Tradizione europea ("On the Problem of a European Tradition"): This essay addresses the crisis of European identity in the face of modernity. Romualdi argues for a return to traditional values and the rediscovery of Europe's spiritual roots as a means to counteract the forces of cultural decay.

  • Idee per una cultura di destra ("Ideas for a Right-Wing Culture"): In this work, Romualdi outlines his vision for a cultural movement that transcends political partisanship. He advocates for a cultural renaissance rooted in the principles of hierarchy, spirituality, and the preservation of European traditions.

Legacy and Influence

Tragically, Adriano Romualdi's life was cut short in 1973 when he died in a car accident at the age of 33. Despite his brief life, his intellectual legacy endures. His works continue to be studied by those interested in traditionalist thought, European identity, and critiques of modernity.

Romualdi's emphasis on the importance of tradition, hierarchy, and spiritual values offers a counterpoint to contemporary discussions that often prioritize individualism and materialism. His writings challenge readers to reconsider the foundations of European civilization and the cultural forces that have shaped it.

In contemporary discourse, Romualdi's ideas resonate with those who seek to understand the complexities of European identity and the challenges posed by globalization and cultural homogenization. His call for a return to traditional values and the preservation of cultural heritage serves as a reminder of the importance of historical consciousness in navigating the present and future.


Wednesday, August 20, 2025

In Paris as in Gaza, Intifada

On May 3, 1993, at the Palais de la Mutualité, the GUD celebrated its 25th anniversary. The very provocative poster, “In Paris as in Gaza, Intifada,” was far from unanimously accepted among the movement’s veterans. The black rat dressed in a Palestinian keffiyeh was seen by some as heresy. Frédéric Chatillon, first speaker at the meeting and instigator of the poster, was quick to explain the reasons for this choice.

Since its inception and for many years, the GUD has been politically and physically involved in the fight against communism, which was then the number one enemy. Today, having collapsed, the red danger no longer exists. Does that mean it must cease to exist? Communism has certainly disappeared, but its reconversion to the spiral of anti-racism has been perfectly realized.

Les Rats Maudits, 1995.

Wednesday, July 30, 2025

Χαιρετισμός στον Ίωνα Δραγούμη


Μεσ' στη σγουρή σου φλόγα τυλιμένος,

στην πιο αψηλή κορφή στο Καθαρτήρι,

στέκεις ορθός και συντηράς το Γένος.

Το άναντρο εσύ της Λησμονιάς ποτήρι

δεν καταδέχτηκες να πιείς, αντάρα

να μην πλακώσει το μυαλό, χατήρι

να μη σου κάμει ο Θεός κι αλησμονιάρα

μη σκορπιστεί στα μαύρα κυπαρίσσια

του αντρούς η πιο τρανή αρετή, η Λαχτάρα.

Περήφανη ψυχή, παληκαρίσια

απόξω απ' της Παράδεισος τη θύρα

την γκρίζα κεφαλή κρατώντας ίσια,

ζητιάνος συ δε γίνεσαι στη μοίρα

δε θες να μπεις και στη γλυκιά ζαλάδα

της βουρκιασμένης ευτυχιάς την πύρα

που σ' έκαιγε να σβήσεις, την Ελλάδα!

Περίσσια για Παράδεισο 'σαι αντάρτης

και λαχταράς της γης την αγριάδα.

Τα χελιδόνια γύρισαν κι ο Μάρτης 

χλωρός σε μια καινούργια Λάβρα ανθίζει.

Δραγούμη, ανοίξαν οι ψυχές και θάρτεις

τη γης ξανά να πιάσεις μετερίζι

βγάλε το ματωμένο σου μαντήλι, 

παιχνίδι 'ναι η ζωή και παιχνιδίζει

πα στα χοντρά, φιλήδονά σου χείλη

γιομώσαν τα κορμιά ψυχή κι αντράλα

κι άντρες λεβέντες γίναν οι γραικύλοι.

Ω λύκαινα Παληκαριά, το γάλα 

της λευτεριάς τον βύζαξες και τώρα,

μονιάς, σε γάβρο στεναγμό καβάλα,

λιγνός Ακρίτας τριγυρνάει στη χώρα,

τα σύνορα μετράει, μετράει το νου μας,

τον κίνδυνο νογάει κι ορμάει με φόρα

μπλάβη αστραπή στην άκρα του γκρεμού μας !


ΝΙΚΟΣ ΚΑΖΑΝΤΖΑΚΗΣ 



Monday, July 28, 2025

A National Socialism

 

“It could be an anti-Marxist socialism, for instance; a national socialism. The millions of workers who will return to the furrows of their fields after having lived in the furrows of the trenches will realize the synthesis of the antithesis: class and nation.”

Benito Mussolini, Trenchocracy

Sunday, July 27, 2025

The Superiority of Ancient Culture

"The superiority of ancient culture lies in its unwavering respect for the eternal and the sacred."
Oswald Spengler





Horst Werner Dieter Mahler: HIER!

"My body may be broken, but my spirit remains free. I will continue my journey to the end." (Trial in Potsdam - 2022)



Ο GEORGE WARD PRICE ΚΑΙ Ο ΧΙΤΛΕΡ

Ο George Ward Price υπήρξε ένας απο τους πιο δημοφιλείς και πετυχημένους Βρετανούς  πολεμικούς  ανταποκριτές και δημοσιογράφους  της εποχής του. Ο George Ward Price ξεκίνησε την καριέρα του δίνοντας ανταποκρίσεις στις Βρετανικές εφημερίδες απο τα βαλκάνια κατά τον Α΄ΠΠ. Ακολούθησε τα στρατεύματα της ΑΝΖΑC στην Καλλίπολη και αργότερα στην Θεσσαλονίκη  όπου  έγραψε το Βιβλίο «The Story of the Salonica Army» = «Η Ιστορία της Στρατιάς της Θεσσαλονίκης» εξιστορώντας τα γεγονότα του μετώπου της Θεσσαλονίκης κατά τον Α΄ΠΠ.

Ηταν ο πρώτος Βρετανός δημοσιογράφος ο οποίος πήρε συνέντευξη το 1918 απο τον Κεμάλ Ατατούρκ, τον μελλοντικό αρχηγό του Τουρκικού κράτους με τον οποίο απέκτησε πολύ στενές επαφές. Παρακολούθησε  και κατέγραψε την καταστροφή της Σμύρνης απο το κατάστρωμα Βρετανικού πλοίου ενώ μόλις μια μέρα πριν στις 12 Σεπτεμβρίου 1919  είχε κατορθώσει για άλλη μια φορά να πάρει συνέντευξη απο τον Κεμάλ.   

Ήταν παρών σε όλα τα μεγάλα γεγονότα που ακολούθησαν το τέλος του Α΄ΠΠ όπως την σύνοδο Ειρήνης των Βερσαλλιών ενω το Βρετανικό Παλάτι του εμπιστεύτηκε την συγγραφή των απομνημονευμάτων των ταξιδιών του διαδόχου του θρόνου Εδουάρδου στην Αυτοκρατορία. 

Δεν ήταν ποτέ δυνατόν ο κορυφαίος αυτός δημοσιογράφος να μην ασχοληθεί με τα δυο φαινόμενα της εποχής του στην Ευρώπη τον Ιταλό Φασίστα Μπενίτο  Μουσολίνη και τον  Γερμανό ηγέτη Αδόλφο Χίτλερ. Ο Price Συνάντησε και έζησε απο κοντά τους δυο ηγέτες παίρνοντας απο αυτούς  πολλές συνεντεύξεις πέρα απο τα τυπικά γνωρίζοντας και τους δυο μέσα στην καθημερινότητα τους. Για τις εμπειρίες του , συζητήσεις αλλά και για τις εντυπώσεις που αποκόμισε απο τους δυο ηγέτες ο Price έγραψε το βιβλίο «I Know these Dictators» = «Γνωρίζω τους δυο Δικτάτορες» . Το βιβλίο αυτό μέσα απο την έγκριτη και έμπειρη γραφίδα του Price είναι ίσως ένα απο τα πιο ακριβή και αντικειμενικά βιβλία που περιγράφουν τις δυο προσωπικότητες. Η Αμερικανική CIA λαμβάνοντας υπ όψην την σημαντικότητα του βιβλίου το σταχυολόγησε  προσθέτοντας τις παρατηρήσεις του Price στον φάκελο του Χίτλερ από οπου η σελίδα παρουσιάζει μέρος αυτών των Αμερικανικών σταχυολογήσεων για την προσωπικότητα των δυο Αντρών.

«. Ενώ ο Μουσολίνι είναι αντικειμενικός και πρακτικός, ο Χίτλερ είναι υποκειμενικός και μυστικιστής. Ο Μουσολίνι απολαμβάνει τις περίπλοκες αναφορές και τα επίσημα υπομνήματα. Ο Χίτλερ τα απεχθάνεται και αποφεύγει τη συζήτηση διοικητικών λεπτομερειών. Ο ένας είναι ρεαλιστής, ο άλλος οραματιστής. Οι διανοητικές διαδικασίες του Μουσολίνι κυριαρχούνται από γεγονότα· του Χίτλερ καθοδηγούνται από ιδέες. Ήταν ένας επιφανής Γερμανός που μου είπε κάποτε: "Δεν μπορείτε να τους συγκρίνετε πραγματικά, γιατί ο ένας είναι ρασιοναλιστής και , ο άλλος διαισθητικός."

Διαφορετικοί στην ιδιοσυγκρασία όπως είναι οι δύο δικτάτορες, έχουν την κοινή ιδιότητα της έντονης πεποίθησης. Και οι δύο είναι μοιρολάτρες. Ο Μουσολίνι πιστεύει στο άστρο του· ο Χίτλερ στην κλήση του από τη Θεία Πρόνοια για την πολιτική λύτρωση της Γερμανίας.

Αυτή η βεβαιότητα ότι τα ονόματα και οι πράξεις τους είναι γραμμένες στο Βιβλίο της Μοίρας δίνει αυτοπεποίθηση και αμεσότητα στις δηλώσεις τους.

Και οι δύο είναι εξαιρετικά αντικειμενικοί στην προσέγγισή τους στις παγκόσμιες υποθέσεις. Ο χαρακτήρας τους ως δημόσια πρόσωπα διαμορφώθηκε στον μεγάλο αγώνα που ο καθένας τους έδωσε στην πατρίδα του. Σε αυτή την εμπειρία οφείλουν την έντονα εθνικιστική οπτική τους.

-σελ. 7

Αυτή η αντίληψη του Χίτλερ ως ενός σκληρού πολιτικού ρομπότ απέχει πολύ από την πραγματικότητα . Πίσω από τον επιβλητικό χαρακτήρα που επιδεικνύει δημοσίως υπάρχει μια ανθρώπινη, ευχάριστη προσωπικότητα γνωστή μόνο στους στενούς του φίλους.

Αν και το πάθος για τη Γερμανία ήταν η πρώτη επιρροή στη ζωή του, υπάρχει πολύ από το αυστριακό στοιχείο στον Αδόλφο Χίτλερ. Η γη της γέννησής του και της ανατροφής του τον έχουν προικίσει με τις καλλιτεχνικές, οραματιστικές τάσεις του νοτιογερμανικού τύπου. Δεν καταβάλλει καμία προσπάθεια να ελέγξει τα συναισθήματά του. Όταν αφηγείται την ιστορία των δοκιμασιών και των δυσκολιών της νιότης του και των πρώτων αγώνων του ναζιστικού κινήματος, δάκρυα έρχονται εύκολα στα μάτια του.

Υπάρχει ένα έντονο στοιχείο θλίψης και τρυφερότητας στην ιδιοσυγκρασία του. Η ένταση του συναισθήματος που μεταδίδει με τόση υψηλή τάση στις δημόσιες δραστηριότητές του τον καθιστά ευαίσθητο στις προσωπικές λύπες. Όταν ένας στενός φίλος του είπε: "Ήσουν τόσο τυχερός σε όλα όσα ανέλαβες," απάντησε: "Στην πολιτική μου ζωή υπήρξα πάντα τυχερός. Αλλά στην προσωπική μου ζωή υπήρξα περισσότερο άτυχος από οποιονδήποτε άλλον έχω γνωρίσει."»

Για την Ιστορία η συνάντηση του Price με τους δυο ηγέτες ήταν καθοριστική για την υπόλοιπη ζωή του . Η γοητεία που του άσκησαν οι δυο ηγέτες τον οδήγησαν να γίνει φανατικός  υποστηρικτής και μέλος του Φασιστικού κόμματος Αγγλίας  με ότι αυτό είχε ως αποτέλεσμα για την μετέπειτα καριέρα του.

Στις φωτογραφίες, ο Χίτλερ με τον George Ward Price

Τεκμήρια Ιστορίας